Friday, December 26, 2008

The single, blinding release of pure energy over Hiroshima, Japan, on August 6, 1945, marked a startling and permanent break with our prior understandings of the visible world. Yet for more than sixty years the technology behind the explosion has remained a state secret. The United States government has never divulged the engineering specifications of the first atomic bombs, not even after other countries have produced generations of ever more powerful nuclear weapons. In the decades since the Second World War, dozens of historians have attempted to divine the precise mechanics of the Hiroshima bomb, nicknamed Little Boy, and of the bomb that fell three days later on Nagasaki, known as Fat Man. The most prominent is Richard Rhodes, who won a Pulitzer Prize, in 1988, for his dazzling and meticulous book “The Making of the Atomic Bomb.” But the most accurate account of the bomb’s inner workings—an unnervingly detailed reconstruction, based on old photographs and documents—has been written by a sixty-one-year-old truck driver from Waukesha, Wisconsin, named John Coster-Mullen, who was once a commercial photographer, and has never received a college degree.

I first came across Coster-Mullen’s name in January of 2004, after I attended an exhibit by the artist Jim Sanborn, at the Corcoran Gallery of Art, in Washington, D.C. The show, called “Critical Assembly,” included what appeared to be spookily exact replicas of the interior mechanism of the first atomic bomb, which Sanborn had manufactured according to Coster-Mullen’s specifications. A year later, I read an article in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists that mentioned a six-hundred-mile trip Coster-Mullen had taken across the Midwest with a full-scale model of the Hiroshima bomb in the back of a Penske rental truck. He had built the replica with the help of his son, Jason, in his garage, basing it, in part, on his analysis of sixty-year-old screws, bolts, and fragments of machined steel that had been stored in rural basements and attics.

The mention of Coster-Mullen’s journey led me back to the November/December, 2004, issue of the Bulletin, which included a review of a book by Coster-Mullen titled “Atom Bombs: The Top Secret Inside Story of Little Boy and Fat Man.” The review, written by the eminent atomic historian Robert S. Norris, began, “For many years, Coster-Mullen has been printing his manuscript at Kinko’s (adding to and revising it along the way) and selling spiral-bound copies at conferences or over the Internet.” Norris clearly considered Coster-Mullen’s understanding of the bomb superior to his own. It was known that Little Boy and Fat Man brought together two masses of fissile material inside a bomb casing, forming a critical mass that set off a nuclear explosion. Little Boy shot one mass of highly enriched uranium into the other with a gunlike mechanism; Fat Man used explosives to squeeze together two hemispheres of plutonium. But the exact details of how these devices worked were unknown. Norris said of Coster-Mullen’s work, “Nothing else in the Manhattan Project literature comes close to his exacting breakdown of the bomb’s parts. Coster-Mullen describes the size, weight, and composition of many of Little Boy’s components, including the nose section and its target case; the uranium-235 target rings and tamper; the arming and fuzing system; the forged steel 6.5-inch-in-diameter gun barrel through which the uranium-235 projectile was fired at the target rings; and the tail section—to cite just a few.”

My own copy of “Atom Bombs” soon arrived in the mail, along with a sheet of testimonials from Harold Agnew, the former director of the Los Alamos National Laboratory, who was aboard the Enola Gay when it annihilated Hiroshima (a “most amazing document”); Philip Morrison, one of the physicists who helped invent the bomb (“You have done a remarkable job”); and Paul Tibbets, the commander and pilot of the Enola Gay (“I was very much impressed”). “Atom Bombs” consists of densely interlocking sentences, nearly all of which contain dimensional information that contradicts the assertions of previous authorities. “A circular steel plate was positioned inside the 17.0"-diameter tail cylinder at the front of the tail tube and another towards the rear of the tube,” Coster-Mullen writes. “These allowed the tail to be slid over the 10.5"-diameter gun tube during assembly. The forward plate was positioned 26.5" in front of the aft plate and was welded to the front of the tail tube.”

Though the book’s specificity about dimensions, shapes, and materials was mind-numbing, the accumulation of detail was strangely seductive. As Coster-Mullen described how the different parts of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs fit together, I felt that I could practically assemble an atomic weapon myself.

The text was followed by more than a hundred pages of declassified photographs extracted from half a dozen government archives, which showed the weapons at various stages of completion—surrounded by scientists in New Mexico or by tanned, shirtless crew members on Tinian Island, in the Western Pacific, just before the bombs were dropped. Coster-Mullen’s book concluded with thirty-five pages of end notes, including a hilariously involved discussion of the textural differences in the gold foil used to separate the plutonium hemispheres for the first atomic bomb, Trinity (dimpled), and the Nagasaki bomb (flat).

Coster-Mullen sees his project as a diverting mental challenge—not unlike a crossword puzzle—whose goal is simply to present readers with accurate information about the past. “This is nuclear archeology,” he told me, in a late-night phone call. “It’s like any other kind of archeology.” Though the government does not make a practice of providing Coster-Mullen with timely responses to his technical inquiries, no official has actively discouraged him from pursuing his research. After a period of mild equivocation, he decided to publish all the details he had uncovered about the mechanics and production of the bomb, even though the subject remains classified. “I was acting like a classification officer,” he recalls. “ ‘I can have the truth and you can’t.’ Who am I to say that?”

Among other things, Coster-Mullen’s book makes clear that our belief in the secrecy of the bomb is a theological construct, adopted in no small part to shield ourselves from the idea that someone might use an atomic bomb against us. Surely, hostile powers could easily obtain the kind of information that Coster-Mullen has acquired, however painstakingly, in his spare time. Any nation that can master the challenges of the atomic-fuel cycle and produce a critical mass of uranium or plutonium, as Iran is reported to be on the verge of doing, would have little difficulty in producing a workable bomb. Given a sufficient quantity of highly enriched uranium, a small number of engineers working for a terrorist group like Al Qaeda or Hezbollah could easily assemble a homemade nuclear device.

I recently wrote to Coster-Mullen and suggested that we take a trip across the country to visit his Little Boy replica, which is currently housed at Wendover, a decommissioned Air Force base in Utah. After some negotiation, we agreed to ride together on his late-night delivery route between Waukesha and Chicago. We would then drive to Wendover. Along the way, he would explain the inner workings of the first atomic bombs, and I would learn how he got it right and the experts got it wrong.

Coster-Mullen and I met in the darkened parking lot of a regional distribution center for a big-box retailer, some ten miles outside Waukesha. Dressed in Lee jeans and a tan shirt with the J. B. Hunt logo, he had titanium-frame glasses, blue-gray eyes, and a full head of silvery hair. The distribution center was the size of seven or eight football fields; fans roaring overhead and an enormous conveyor belt drowned out the beeps of cabs backing up to trailers. Coster-Mullen picked up his sheet for the night, which involved stops at Store 1950, in Streamwood, Illinois, and Store 1889, in downtown Chicago. He was to drop off a container filled with lawn furniture in Streamwood, and haul back “sweep” merchandise—cardboard boxes, defective items, coat hangers—from Chicago. We walked outside and hooked up Coster-Mullen’s truck to trailer No. 537427, with a solid click. It was seven o’clock on a Sunday night. He calmly recited a safety checklist (“My lights are on, my flashers are on”) and we set off.

Over the years, Coster-Mullen told me, he had held nearly a dozen jobs, including working at camera stores in and around Milwaukee; doing inventory control for the Beloit Corporation, which manufactured paper-making equipment; taking photographs of industrial equipment for Trane, the heating and air-conditioning company, and then for Mercury Marine, which makes high-quality engines for boats; working as a studio photographer for Pohlman Studios, in Milwaukee; and running his own photography business. These jobs had provided him with the skills, he says, that helped him solve the puzzle of the bomb. I asked him how he wound up driving a truck. “They are always hiring,” he said. “I figured if people with the brains of a squirrel could drive a truck, maybe I could drive a truck.”

The highway cut through scrubland, and by nightfall Coster-Mullen was driving past Old World Wisconsin, a tourist attraction that features restorations of prairie homesteads. Making long cross-country drives, Coster-Mullen said, had given him plenty of time to reëxamine the three-dimensional diagram of the bomb that he keeps in his head, like a Buddhist monk contemplating the Karmic wheel. His truck routes also made it easy for him to maintain connections with sources. Twelve years ago, Coster-Mullen pulled into a Wal-Mart parking lot in North Carolina and got into the car of a retired machinist in his late seventies, who showed him photographs of metal pieces that he had fashioned for the Trinity bomb, which was set off in the desert outside Alamogordo, New Mexico, in July, 1945. Coster-Mullen said that machinists often hid the fragments in their shoes and pants cuffs, in order to have something to show their grandchildren. Two years after meeting the machinist, in 1998, Coster-Mullen, while driving through Nebraska with three cars in front of him, figured out the exact shape and weight of the pieces of uranium inside Little Boy. “I’m sitting there with my pocket calculator, going, ‘If the core had this diameter, and the length is this, what’s the volume?’ ” he recalled. “I went, ‘That’s it!’ And then I got on the horn—urh-urh.

Arriving at the drop-off point in Streamwood, we unhooked the truck’s electric and air lines, then turned the crank on the landing gear forty times. We picked up another container, got back in the truck, and headed south, toward Chicago. At four in the morning, we passed the Sears Tower. Coster-Mullen gingerly navigated the pillars inside an indoor parking garage and pulled up to the loading dock.

The trailer, which contained thirty-one thousand pounds of FAK—“freight of all kinds”—wasn’t ready yet, so we checked out the bales of sweep merchandise: crushed boxes of cookies, dented cans, ripped jeans. Finally, we hooked up the trailer and hit the road. As we headed north, Coster-Mullen explained to me the likely blast effects of a Hiroshima-size nuclear device exploding in a container truck in downtown Chicago. He said, “All you need to do is take two subcritical masses of uranium and smash them into each other to form a critical mass. Neutrons strike the heavy uranium nucleus, which splits, releasing a tremendous jolt of energy along with two or more neutrons, which split more nuclei, setting off a chain reaction that grows and grows and finally manifests itself as a huge fireball over a populated area, blinding, asphyxiating, incinerating, or crushing every living being within a five-mile radius.” As he elaborated on the scenario, the sun began to rise, and I fell asleep with my face against the window.

We arrived at Coster-Mullen’s home, in Waukesha, around eight o’clock that morning. He lives in a ranch house on a cul-de-sac in a pleasant subdivision. His wife, Mary, is a retired social worker who spends most of her time reading and knitting. They have two children together, and Coster-Mullen has a third from a previous marriage. Asters, black-eyed Susans, and coral bells blossomed beneath the trees in the back yard. Coster-Mullen, in anticipation of my visit, had arrayed his kitchen with some of his atom-bomb memorabilia, including a roof tile from the hypocenter of the Hiroshima blast, which he purchased for eighty-nine dollars from a former member of the U.S. radiation-survey team. He also owns a brick of graphite from Enrico Fermi’s lab at the University of Chicago—the site of the first reactor pile—which he was given by two physicists who were fans of his book; a small marine fossil that was underneath the Trinity bomb when it exploded in the New Mexico desert, which Coster-Mullen dug out of the ground himself during a visit to the site; silicone molds of the detonator for the Trinity bomb; a chunk of uranium; and a sphere of beryllium, a component of modern atomic bombs.

He handed me a leaflet that had been dropped over Japan by B-29 bombers in late July, 1945. “Attention Japanese People,” the leaflet says. “In the next few days, four (or more) of the cities named on the reverse side will be destroyed by American bombs. These cities contain military installations and workshops or factories that produce military goods. We are determined to destroy all of the tools of the military clique.”

On the kitchen counter sat something seemingly unconnected to atomic weapons: a hobbyist’s model of the Joan of Arc chapel, on the campus of Marquette University, in Milwaukee. In fact, Coster-Mullen told me, the model, which he completed in 1993, had helped spark his obsession with building his own bomb. He had built the model in the hope of launching a business. Marquette alumni and other visitors, he had figured, would eagerly buy replicas of the chapel and display them in their homes. Constructing the model was difficult, he recalled: “I was using dental picks and surgical 3-D glasses and I learned how to carve little eyes in the wood benches.” Like most of his business ideas, before and since, the project showed both a fanatical devotion to detail and a hazy grasp of what ordinary consumers might pay for. He placed the chapel models in local gift shops on consignment, but few sold. After this failure, Coster-Mullen decided to make replicas of something with wider commercial appeal.

In December, 1993, he persuaded his son, Jason, who was then seventeen, to accompany him on a road trip to the National Atomic Museum, in Albuquerque, where Coster-Mullen could examine the empty ballistic casing of an atomic bomb at first hand and make sketches that he could use to build an accurate scale model. After driving two thousand miles to the museum, he was distressed to find that the atomic-weapons area was closed for renovation. He protested until his contact at the museum finally appeared and let them in. He and Jason spent hours measuring the bomb casings on display. (In the early nineties, after the fall of the Soviet Union, no one was particularly disturbed by the sight of a father and son poking measuring tape inside the casings of fifty-year-old bombs.) The Coster-Mullens were soon measuring weapons casings around the country, including at the Wright-Patterson base, in Ohio; the West Point Museum, in the Hudson Valley; and the Smithsonian, in Washington, D.C. They also saw the Fat Man display at the Bradbury Science Museum, in Los Alamos.

During these and other excursions, Coster-Mullen discovered that much of the dimensional information about the bombs in history books was wrong. “Rhodes and others said that Little Boy is twenty-nine inches in diameter—but it’s not, it’s twenty-eight,” he said, in the friendly, matter-of-fact tone he uses to soften the force of his obsession. Wondering what other errors the historians had made, he began to attend reunions of the 509th Composite Group, the military unit that dropped the bombs. He went to his first reunion in 1994, in Chicago. Before the gathering, he wrote a draft of a pamphlet about the bomb and sent it to Frederick Ashworth, a naval commander who was in charge of the Fat Man weapon. “The Monday of the reunion week, I get this letter back from Admiral Ashworth, who, justifiably, took me to task,” Coster-Mullen recalls. “He said, ‘Either treat this subject with the seriousness it deserves or drop it.’ So I chose the former.”

Coster-Mullen spent the next ten years of his life mastering a body of recondite technical data. He extracted photographs from government archives and scrutinized them with a magnifying glass; he interviewed one retired machinist after another, as well as scientists and engineers. Researching the bomb provided Coster-Mullen with an outlet for a sensibility that might have been equally at home collecting tropical butterflies or double-print stamps. To suggest that Coster-Mullen is a garden-variety classification freak, however, is like comparing a high-school trumpet player to Miles Davis. Driven by his desire to solve a great puzzle, he is personally affronted by recycled information and secondary sourcing, which often leads him to express contempt for people who are lazier than he is—a category that includes virtually everyone.

The first edition of “Atom Bombs” was completed in 2003. With the publication of the book, which has since undergone several hundred revisions, Coster-Mullen became a leading member of the loosely organized scholarly fraternity dedicated to challenging the ethic of secrecy behind the atomic security state. Its dozen or so members included Richard Rhodes; Chuck Hansen, a computer programmer whose Freedom of Information Act requests helped him assemble “The Swords of Armageddon,” a twenty-nine-hundred-page, seven-volume archive of documentary information about the U.S. nuclear arsenal; Howard Morland, who published the first detailed sketch of a thermonuclear weapon, in The Progressive, in 1979; and Carey Sublette, a programmer in California, who has posted a wealth of data about atomic weapons on the Internet.

Coster-Mullen fulfills orders for “Atomic Bombs” himself, by running off copies and then mailing them. (The book is available through Amazon, and costs $49.95.) According to a recent log of purchase information, “Atomic Bombs” is sought after mainly by people whose e-mail addresses identify them as members of the nation’s secret nuclear archipelago: LANL, LLNL, SNL, ORNL, ANL, Pantex, Fermilab, the Hanford and Savannah River nuclear plants, the F.B.I.

“Thanks again for the great book,” a nuclear worker named Lee recently wrote to Coster-Mullen. “As soon as I finish it, my son, who’s on the 61 program”—maintaining the stockpile of variants of the original B-61 nuclear bombs—“will be reading it, probably in one of the assembly bays.”

Many customers seem to enjoy thumbing their noses at U.S. security officials, who remain determined to keep the bomb’s precise technical specifications a mystery. Harold Agnew, the former director of Los Alamos, recently wrote to Coster-Mullen, “The real problem with the security people is that they are basically ignorant and maybe just plain stupid. I guess if they just say no to everything they believe they have job security and won’t get into trouble with their equally stupid bosses.” Agnew added that he had suggested to security officials at Los Alamos that they invite Coster-Mullen to give a talk on how he did his research—“so in the future if there really is something they want to keep close, they might have a clearer idea as to how to do it.”

In March, 2007, after an extended debate within the community of civilian nuclear obsessives, Coster-Mullen’s revisionist diagrams of Little Boy and the core of the Fat Man bomb were posted on Wikipedia. Accurate information about how a simple nuclear bomb is made, and how it works, is now available to anyone with Internet access. “Before 9/11, I found our government’s emphasis on secrecy abhorrent,” Richard Rhodes told me. “I find it even more so now.” Rhodes considers absurd the idea that a foreign government or terrorist might build a bomb based on Coster-Mullen’s diagrams. “Everyone who is sufficiently sophisticated in these matters hardly needs the help of us poor souls, who aren’t even scientists,” he said. Rhodes said of the U.S. government’s classification efforts, “The point is to keep the bombs out of sight, to make us feel that the bombs aren’t real, and that is John’s real contribution. The notion that we are safer because we have all these bombs tucked away is a huge fraud.”

Coster-Mullen is a man of rigid preferences. He loves Diet Coke, but under no circumstances will he drink Diet Pepsi, which he describes as having a sugary, chemical aftertaste that makes him feel nauseated. Even a teasing mention of Diet Pepsi can set off a rant that will momentarily eclipse talk of the bomb. Other subjects capable of replacing the bomb in his mind for short periods of time are his wife and children; the stupidity of Christian beliefs; the stupidity of religion in general; the prevailing etiquette at truck stops; and stories about rescued cats. The longest he has ever gone in my company without mentioning the atomic bomb is thirty-seven minutes, a record he achieved on a particularly beautiful stretch of road running through the sun-baked canyons east of Salt Lake City. To say that Coster-Mullen actually went that long without speaking about the atomic bomb is an exaggeration, as he referred to nuclear weapons twice in passing, and because he was aware that I was timing him with a stopwatch.

Coster-Mullen had agreed to drive us from Waukesha to Wendover, while I sat in the passenger seat of my rental car and asked questions. (I’m a lousy driver.) Research materials shared the back seat with a small cooler that plugged into the dashboard cigarette lighter and contained cheese, salami, and four twenty-ounce bottles of Diet Coke, which Coster-Mullen consumes at the rate of one per hour. When he finished a bottle, he tossed it onto the back seat. After two or three empties accumulated, he refilled them with soda from a two-litre mother-ship bottle that he kept in a shopping bag on the floor.

Soon after we had begun the car trip, we passed the industrial city of Beloit, Wisconsin. As a young photographer on the Beloit Daily News, in 1973, he was responsible for one front-page picture and five inside photos per day. He spent hours in the darkroom each week, and the knowledge that he gained about the technical side of photography proved indispensable when he began researching his book, and subjecting declassified photographs from government archives to detailed analysis.

Coster-Mullen’s techniques for assessing the size and nature of objects depicted in photographs are familiar to photo editors, intelligence analysts, and others whose job is to glean detailed information from images, but they were new to the community of civilian atomic researchers. His first such intimate examination was of a famous photograph from July 15, 1945, of the scientists Herb Lehr and Harry Daghlian lugging a wooden crate containing a portion of the Trinity device’s “physics package”—the plutonium part—to a car parked outside the McDonald Ranch House, a test site in New Mexico. A retired master machinist at Los Alamos, whom Coster-Mullen interviewed, had once measured the plug of Fat Man’s physics package, and recalled that it was eleven or twelve inches long, and had been inserted into an aluminum sphere that was at least two feet in diameter. If Coster-Mullen could figure out the size of the box in the picture, he reasoned, he could determine the maximum size of the object inside. “They’re backing around the corner of that open door,” he noted, gesturing at a copy of the photograph that I held on my lap as we drove through Dixon, Illinois—Ronald Reagan’s home town. “The height of the box is in line with the front edge of the door.”

There were distinctive-looking suicide doors on the vehicle, which made him think that he could identify the model, so he took the photograph to an antique-car dealer south of Milwaukee. Together, they examined the dealer’s collection of Clymer manuals, which contain mechanical specifications for major American cars. American manufacturers stopped building cars for civilians after the 1942 model year and didn’t resume making them until the 1946 model year, which made it easy to identify the car in the McDonald Ranch House photo as a 1942 Plymouth.

A few weeks later, Coster-Mullen was driving with his wife past an antique-auto show, where he found two 1942 Plymouths. “I showed the photograph and I said, ‘I’d like to measure the height of that door,’ ” he recalled. “The photographer’s taking that with a normal camera lens, and he’s back about twenty feet from the car, so you wouldn’t get any foreshortening. So I measure the height and applied proportional measuring. A is to B as C is to D. And it turned out that that box was only about ten and a half inches long. So, obviously, something eleven or twelve inches long couldn’t even fit in that box.”

Later, when we took a break at a truck stop in Iowa, he told me about another early discovery: a declassified report about the death of Harry Daghlian, who died of radiation poisoning at Los Alamos after he dropped a block of tungsten carbide onto a bomb assembly containing a plutonium sphere, on August 21, 1945. The report contained a photograph in which another physicist recreated Daghlian’s accident. A ruler was helpfully positioned on a tungsten block, which allowed Coster-Mullen to determine that the plutonium sphere, which was identical to those used in the first atomic bomb, was 3.62 inches in diameter. All it took, he said, was a set of digital calipers and a little high-school geometry.

A few hours after leaving the truck stop, we passed by a town in Iowa called Stuart—a deduction I made upon seeing a huge white windmill with the word “STUART” painted vertically on its base. A road sign informed us that Omaha was ninety-three miles to the west.

“That beryllium sphere that you showed me yesterday,” I said. “Where did that come from?”

“eBay!” Coster-Mullen replied. “It cost about thirty bucks. I bought it because it was roughly the same size as one of those polonium-beryllium initiators they used in Fat Man.” Polonium is also readily available on the Internet, he said. He said that it was possible, though not easy, for a rogue figure to acquire material for an atomic weapon. “They proved in a test that you can use reactor-grade plutonium in a bomb,” he said. “I believe it took place in the seventies or eighties, at a Nevada test site. Supposedly, thorium can be used to make uranium. Well, thorium was in camper gas lanterns. Oh, you’d have to have quite a few. Americium, which is the key element in smoke detectors, is supposedly a fissile material. But it would probably be suspicious, because you’d need to order about a million smoke detectors to extract enough material.”

At midmorning, we reached the outskirts of Omaha, where we visited the Strategic Air and Space Museum, whose grounds are marked by a towering Atlas D ballistic missile. Energized by forty ounces of Diet Coke, Coster-Mullen ignored the SR-71 Blackbird spy plane hanging over the entrance to the museum and headed straight to the front desk, where he corralled a retired armed-services veteran who was volunteering his time. Smooth jazz played in the background.

“Do you have any casings of Little Boy or Fat Man?” he asked.

No, the veteran said.

By the time we left the museum, the sky had gone dark and storm clouds were on the horizon. As Coster-Mullen drove, I examined a scale drawing of Little Boy that he had begun drafting in 1995. When he had visited the Bradbury Science Museum earlier that year, he noticed that a diagram of the exterior of the bomb had been mislabelled; it placed a contact fuse on the nose of Little Boy. An archivist agreed to send Coster-Mullen a copy of the flawed diagram in the mail. Also included in the package was a partial diagram of the bomb’s interior, a document that Los Alamos had never before released. The diagram revealed that a long gun barrrel had been screwed directly into an adapter attached to the target case. This was the first piece of hard information that researchers had about how the mechanism inside Little Boy was actually assembled.

Not long afterward, Coster-Mullen told me, he read a coffee-table book about the Enola Gay. The text described Little Boy’s gun barrel as having been made of wood, a suggestion that was clearly preposterous, and could have passed muster only with a publisher of art books. The book also said that the gun barrel was fifty-two inches long; the statement caught Coster-Mullen’s eye, as it was virtually the only piece of specific dimensional information in the book. “I figured that number might be a clue,” he recalled. “It probably came from somewhere else, since the author clearly didn’t understand what he was writing about.”

That year, the Smithsonian commemorated the bomb’s fiftieth anniversary with an exhibition about the Enola Gay that featured the casing of a Little Boy. (Perhaps a dozen Little Boys were produced.) The bomb had originally been intact, save for its uranium, but in 1986 agents of the Department of Energy arrived at the museum and took the weapon away. Government officials were worried that a terrorist group with access to sufficient quantities of highly enriched uranium might commandeer the bomb, load it with fissile material, and set it off. The bomb was taken to an underground facility—supposedly situated in Los Alamos, beneath a McDonald’s—where its insides were removed. The gutted artifact was returned to the museum in 1993.

A small number of visitors to the Smithsonian exhibit may have noticed that the bomb had been modified in a peculiar way. Whereas the exterior casing of the bomb had previously been covered in a uniform coat of dark-green paint, the surface now had a series of cryptic markings and numbers, including a “36” and a “52.” The nose of the bomb was marked with what looked like a “12.” Pictures of the altered bomb casing began circulating among atomic researchers.

When Coster-Mullen saw the “52” on the bomb casing, he immediately thought of the fifty-two-inch gun barrel that was mentioned in the Enola Gay book. The “12,” in turn, made him think about a book called “Project W-47,” by James Rowe, who was in charge of the bomb-assembly teams at Wendover, where the crew of the Enola Gay had trained before shipping out to the Pacific.

“At one point, Rowe gave a description where he looked inside the target case from the back end of the bomb, and he said it was bored out to two-thirds the length of the target case,” Coster-Mullen recalled. “Well, the target case is thirty-six inches long, so two-thirds is twenty-four inches.” The “12” on the nose of the bomb, he guessed, might correspond to the remaining twelve inches, which is where the front end of the physics package began. It was a typical Coster-Mullen moment: he treats the world’s most destructive invention as an ordinary clocklike mechanism, made of simple parts that must fit together according to readily discernible laws.

He knew from other archival investigations that Little Boy’s projectile was sixteen inches long. He realized that, by adding thirty-six and sixteen, he ended up with fifty-two—a number that almost certainly corresponded to the placement of the front of the projectile that would be shot down the gun barrel at the uranium target situated twenty-six inches away. He had figured out the essential geometry of the bomb.

Coster-Mullen surmised that the numbers on the casing had been written by whoever had been given the job of disassembling the bomb and removing its interior mechanisms. During the process of gutting the bomb and shipping it back to the Smithsonian, no one had bothered to wipe the bomb clean.

We were making our way toward Wyoming, through an empty stretch of Nebraska farmland. A hummingbird perched on a wire fence outside my window. A yellow school bus with no wheels was marooned by the edge of the highway. In the middle of a field, some inventive local person had used aluminum tubing to fashion what looked like a dinosaur skeleton. We drove by a herd of cows. “A feed lot,” Coster-Mullen said, looking off to his left. A biotic stench soon vied against the pleasant fresh-leather scent that the car-rental place had sprayed on our seats.

As we drove, I paged through declassified memos from the machine shops at Los Alamos; these documents had provided Coster-Mullen with several crucial details about the bomb. I read aloud from a checklist used by Captain William Parsons, who loaded the gunpowder into the bomb. The various items—“Insert breech wrench,” “Unscrew breech plug (about 16 turns, remove, place on pad)”—were meaningless to me.

“Sixteen turns is important,” Coster-Mullen said. Learning the number of turns had helped him to gauge the length of the breech plug—which Captain Parsons removed in order to slip in the four silk bags filled with cordite that fired the gun that sent the uranium projectile smashing into its target. Coster-Mullen made his estimation by looking up the standard Acme thread sizes from 1945 in a machinists’ book at the Milwaukee Public Library, where he got his first library card.

The subdivision outside Milwaukee where Coster-Mullen grew up was constructed for returning veterans. Everyone got a narrow lot with a nice back yard and a smaller front yard. His parents’ house, built after the war, had a fireplace, a basement, three bedrooms, an upstairs bath. Coster-Mullen, who was adopted, told me that his parents’ surname was Mullen. When I asked him where “Coster” came from, he gave me a sheepish look, then explained that he had added his wife’s last name to his own. Hyphenated names are not exactly common among truck drivers, he said.

When Coster-Mullen was a child, he and his friends often spent Saturday afternoons at the Fox Bay theatre, a movie house with curved plaster walls, where popcorn was fifteen cents. Coster-Mullen loved the newsreels that came first, describing wars and new weapons and the conquest of space. He also enjoyed visiting his great-aunt’s house, in northern Wisconsin. There was a little town square with a gazebo and a Civil War cannon. Attached to the side of the cannon was a metal box, and inside it was a brush with sharp steel bristles, which park workers used to clean out the cannon. It thrilled Coster-Mullen to reach inside the dark box and feel the brush pricking his finger.

The Milwaukee Public Museum was a twenty-five-cent bus ride from Coster-Mullen’s home, and it was one of the best places in America for an inquisitive child to spend an afternoon. A generation of German artists had immigrated to the city and introduced the art of creating full-sized dioramas filled with cunningly imagined and finely worked details that took full advantage of the laws of perspective and the taxidermic craft. In a scene set in the Grand Canyon, a stuffed mountain lion was depicted in midair, ready to pounce on two mule deer. In a Pacific Northwest diorama, you could see a salmon drying on a rock, with giant trees and ice-capped mountains in the background. At the nearby Milwaukee County Historical Society, there was an intricate scale model that allowed viewers to gaze upon, in every direction, the chaos of the Battle of Gettysburg.

In grade school, John Mullen woke up every morning at six o’clock to watch a fifteen-minute educational television program in which scientists like Ernest Lawrence, who invented the cyclotron, stood in front of a blackboard and lectured on the basic principles of physics. His favorite teacher in high school, Darwin Kaestner, had worked at the University of Chicago during the Second World War, in a metallurgical lab that was part of the Manhattan Project. The lab was run by Glenn Seaborg, who discovered plutonium. Kaestner said tantalizingly little about his experiences. Coster-Mullen and Kaestner made a bubble chamber out of glass, in which they detected the movement of subatomic particles. Working as Kaestner’s lab assistant, Coster-Mullen became an apprentice to a man who, two decades earlier, had helped to produce the initial quantities of plutonium that were used in the first atom bomb.

Coster-Mullen’s next big breakthrough on Little Boy came in 1995, when he obtained a curved fragment of the tungsten-carbide tamper from one of the dozens of test units built by the Manhattan Project. An engineer had saved the fragment from the Anchor Ranch test site, in Los Alamos. The purpose of the cylindrical tamper was to reflect neutrons back into the critical assembly, thus containing the chain reaction for a fraction of a second, until enough matter was converted into energy to destroy Hiroshima. The tamper fragment was half an inch wide, an inch long, and two inches deep. It bore a notable resemblance to the State of Illinois.

“It occurred to me that perhaps I could get some dimensional information by analyzing the fragment’s curvature,” Coster-Mullen recalled. He took the piece to a friend’s brother, who worked in the quality-control department of a large manufacturing facility in Milwaukee. “They have huge granite-block tables for making precise measurements of finished machine pieces,” he said. A spring-loaded probe touched the curved surface at twenty different points. Thirty seconds later, a number popped up on a screen indicating that the original diameter of the tungsten-carbide cylinder was 13.1513 inches. “That was a big clue,” Coster-Mullen explained. The diameter of the cylinder gave him a maximum distance of one inch between the cylinder and the outer casing. He was getting closer and closer to a full understanding of the inner workings of the atomic bomb.

We had driven more than nine hundred miles and been on the road for about sixteen hours. As we approached Scott’s Bluff, Nebraska, the clouds, set against a cornflower-blue sky, seemed to glow from inside with a pale, marvellous light. A tanker truck was on the road ahead of us, passing a field of wind turbines. Behind the turbines was a freight train loaded with containers.

“You see how they are stacked two high, one on top of the other?” Coster-Mullen asked, pointing at two containers. “They put one on top of the other in the same clamp holes that would hold it to a chassis.” The landscape rolled by his window, like an engineer’s blueprint.

The initial years of Coster-Mullen’s research were marked by dozens of small revelations about the bomb’s mechanics. But, starting in 1998, he began to uncover the most tantalizing of Little Boy’s secrets—a finding that completely revised the received understanding of how the Hiroshima bomb worked. Coster-Mullen’s discovery revolved around what might be called the “sex” of the bomb.

In the standard historical accounts, the way that the bomb’s gun mechanism worked was by shooting a cylindrical “male” uranium projectile into a concave, stationary uranium target. This act of atomic coitus created a mass sufficient to produce a critical reaction. The mass of the projectile was said to be 38.5 kilograms, and the mass of the target was said to be 25.6 kilograms. But no matter how many times Coster-Mullen did the math the numbers never quite worked out in a way that allowed the projectile and the target to fit inside the gun barrel while remaining subcritical.

The source of the error, Coster-Mullen recognized, was an assumption that every (male) researcher who studied the subject had made about the relation between projectile and target. These scholars had apparently been unable to conceive of an arrangement other than a “missionary position” bomb, in which a solid male projectile penetrated a vessel-like female target. But Coster-Mullen realized that a female-superior arrangement—in which a hollow projectile slammed down on top of a stationary cylinder of highly enriched uranium—yielded the correct size and mass.

The atomic-research community was initially dubious about Coster-Mullen’s argument. But even Richard Rhodes, after examining the evidence, admitted that Coster-Mullen was right. Little Boy was female. (Rhodes told me that the drawings in his own book are “seriously deficient,” and said of Coster-Muller, “He came out of left field and really did something that I think is pretty dazzling. He worked out a way to see through the ballistic casing of the weapons to see what’s inside.”)

Coster-Mullen said that his insight into the sex of the bomb was connected to a discussion that he had, in 1994, with an engineer named Harlow Russ, who had worked on Project Alberta—the code name for the bomb-delivery portion of the Manhattan Project. Russ was old and sounded shaky when Coster-Mullen interviewed him over the phone, and he refused to answer basic questions about the size of the project’s nuclear stockpile, or to say how many nuclear weapons he had manufactured. But there was one point that he needed to make sure was on the record. As Coster-Mullen recalls it, “In the middle of the interview, he just blurts out, ‘You know the projectile was hollow, didn’t you?’ I said, ‘What do you mean, hollow?’ ” Russ’s description of a hollow projectile was at odds with the diagrams in every history book and every museum display about the bomb. At the time, Coster-Mullen had suspected that Russ was senile. But he stored the incident in his memory, along with an injunction from a Los Alamos archivist to “trust Harlow.”

A year later, Coster-Mullen received in the mail copies of four file cards from the National Archives, which contained a detailed synopsis of an eighty-two-page paper that had once been in the archives but was withdrawn. The paper summarized on the cards may or may not have been, in turn, a summary of a longer and more detailed secret history of the Little Boy program. The file cards were also withdrawn, but not before they were copied by a civilian researcher who distributed copies to people he judged to have the capacity to do meaningful work on the history of the bomb (and who weren’t likely to report him to the government). The four-by-six-inch cards contained vital statistics about the Little Boy combat unit, including when each of the bomb’s major components was tested and the product numbers of those components. They gave the exact length of the bomb’s projectile: sixteen and a quarter inches. The cards also indicated that the uranium-tipped projectile contained nine stacked rings of active material, with a total mass of 38,531.12 grams; and that the uranium target contained six stacked disks of active material, with a total mass of 25,616.44 grams.

“It didn’t work out to my satisfaction, no matter how many times I tried,” Coster-Mullen told me. “By now, I’m driving trucks, and I was all alone on the interstate with very few cars, and I’ve got my pocket calculator in one hand and a little sketchbook on my lap, and I’m writing down numbers and calculating the numbers, and finally I determined that Harlow Russ was right.”

It was the end of the second day of our journey. We were now in Wyoming, driving in deep-purple darkness; high mountains were distantly visible, looking as if they had been spray-painted on velvet. “If you could see this in daylight, you would be even more impressed,” Coster-Mullen said. His bladder was about to burst, he confessed. Over the past three hours, he had consumed three twenty-ounce bottles of Diet Coke.

There is an absurdity as well as a grandeur to Coster-Mullen’s investigations. After all, a man like Harlow Russ, the bomb engineer, could have spared him thousands of hours of trouble simply by explaining how the device worked. But the men who built the bomb weren’t talkers. They were proud of keeping secrets, just as they were proud of what they had done to defeat Japan. When the war was won, the country turned in on itself, in order to safeguard the deadly knowledge that the gadget-builders had acquired. We remain fascinated by the story of the bomb, in part, because it shows us who we were at the exact moment that we became the people we are now.

I asked Coster-Mullen what he thought about the fact that so many eminent historians got the story of the bomb wrong. “I now read everything with a jaundiced eye,” he said. “People use my book as a source, they rewrite it, rehash it, and their work still comes out wrong. And, actually, I read their books and go, ‘This is really good!’ If I didn’t know anything about the subject, I’d be raving that this is a really terrific book. It’s easy to read, it’s exciting. Absolutely! Sure! But it’s wrong.”

The next morning, we were in Wendover, the base where Coster-Mullen’s replica of Little Boy was housed. We had arrived late the previous night, and checked into the Montego Bay Casino Resort. Coster-Mullen had woken up at five o’clock. “I don’t sleep much,” he told me. We got in the car and headed to Wendover Air Field, where the crew of the Enola Gay trained for six months. I shaded my eyes from the glare bouncing off the Utah salt flats. The sharp sunlight led me to notice a crack in the left lens of Coster-Mullen’s glasses. When light hit the crack, it appeared as a tiny bright star floating in front of his eyeball.

The Enola Gay crew arrived at Wendover on December 17, 1944, on the forty-first anniversary of the day that the Wright brothers proved that men could fly. The bombing and gunnery range at the base eventually came to encompass three and a half million acres of desert, salt flats, and mountains, making it the world’s largest military reserve. B-29 crews dropped hundreds of weighted bomb casings, in order to develop ballistics tables for the elephantine munitions that ended the war. By February, 1945, Wendover had more than six hundred buildings, and nearly twenty thousand residents.

Now the only sign of habitation in this atomic ghost town was a handwritten sign that said “Laundromat.” Here and there, inside the sun-bleached barracks with shattered windows, I detected the sound of fluttering wings. The eeriness of the place was heightened by the unnaturally flat, bright sunlight, which resembled the light used on television shows to illustrate near-death experiences.

Two F-16 fighter jets disrupted the quiet. Coster-Mullen, who was slathered in sunscreen, drove us to the secure areas of the old base, near where the Enola Gay practiced its maneuvers. We parked next to two coffin-like pits in the desert floor. The wind sounded like the hiss on old-fashioned tape recorders.

Coster-Mullen climbed down into one of the pits, which were each six feet deep, twenty feet long, and twelve feet wide; they had once been used as loading bays for the test units. In preparation for bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the pilots of the 393rd Bombardment Squadron dropped a hundred and fifty-five Little Boy and Fat Man test units in the desert, honing the sharp turns that they would need to escape the blast. We returned to the car and drove to two barely discernible concrete patches on the desert floor, where the bombs had been assembled, inside huts whose floors had been covered in copper and attached to grounding wires, in order to eliminate any static that might accidentally set off a bomb. When the war was over, the huts were disassembled and sent to Sandia National Laboratories, in Albuquerque, where they became the world’s first nuclear-bomb-assembly factories. “There was also a circus tent that they used for a while,” Coster-Mullen added, scanning the floor for stray bits of copper to stick in his pockets.

We walked over to a nearby enclosure surrounded by barbed wire. In the middle of it was a four-by-eight-foot concrete block that looked like an ideal place to sacrifice a sheep. In fact, machinists and engineers had used the block as an operating table for Little Boy. I walked across the concrete to examine the altarpiece of the atomic age. A large crack ran through it.

Our last stop at Wendover Air Field was the departure lounge of the small airport that serves charter flights from Salt Lake City. Past the security-screening area was a coffeemaker; next to it, cream and sugar were laid out in old Army helmets. Coster-Mullen’s bomb was in a Lucite case across from the coffeemaker, next to a soda machine.

“This is a replica of the Uranium bomb that was dropped on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945,” a placard read. “It was dropped from an altitude of 30,000 feet and exploded 1,500 feet above the ground.” The actual height of the explosion, Coster-Mullen explained, was closer to nineteen hundred feet.

Up close, Little Boy is a comfortingly handmade submarine-shaped object, painted hunter green and covered with plugs and wires. Inscribed on the surface of Coster-Mullen’s replica are the names of the Enola Gay flight-crew members, who signed it, in 2004, at a ceremony in Wichita, Kansas. When Little Boy was deployed, Coster-Mullen said, wires on top of the device were attached to a solenoid unit on the roof of the bomb bay. When the bomb dropped out, the wires came loose from switches inside the clock-box—the brain that told the bomb to drop for forty-five seconds before detonating. On top of the bomb were three green “safing” plugs, arranged in an L shape; as the crew got ready to drop the bomb, they replaced the green plugs with red arming plugs. Beneath were six barometric switches made in Delavan, Wisconsin, which is on one of Coster-Mullen’s delivery routes.

I told Coster-Mullen that the bomb looked like something that he had put together in his garage. He agreed: “In today’s terminology, this would be a garage bomb.” I asked him if there wasn’t something obscene about an exhibit that commemorates the incineration of ninety thousand civilians, who were among the last victims of a war that was pretty much over. “Well, there was no indication that they were going to surrender,” Coster-Mullen said. He added that most of the fifty million people who died in the Second World War were civilians.

I asked Coster-Mullen why the government insists on classifying even the least significant details about this decades-old device. He shrugged. Actually, he said, nothing about the bomb is secret. He smiled and added, “The secret of the atomic bomb is how easy they are to make.”

Coster-Mullen began driving home to Wisconsin through the verdant plains and mountain passes of the American West. It was late afternoon, when color contrasts heighten and objects take on an unusually warm glow; photographers, he noted, call this time the golden hour. He pointed to a clump of trees on a nearby ridge: “Look at the stand of trees by itself, illuminated.”

Coster-Mullen seemed to know the history behind everything that could be seen from the highway. “You see those three crosses there, up on the bluff?” he said, pointing out the window. “There’s some millionaire who pays homeless people to put them up.” Still, there were things about Little Boy that continued to elude him. “Even the placement of where the uranium core is centered, front to back—that’s still up for grabs,” he told me. Nor has he accounted for the entire weight of the weapon; government documents have offered figures ranging from eighty-nine hundred to ninety-seven hundred pounds.

Tired and hungry, we drove for hundreds of miles and talked some more about the bomb. At one point, though, he changed the subject and told me about the person he admires the most: Gene Smith. “He was a photographer who used to work for Life,” he said. “I wouldn’t say he was exactly temperamental, but he had a specific vision.”

One of the pioneers of American photojournalism, Smith is probably most famous for his photo essay “Country Doctor,” which chronicled the practice of Dr. Ernest Ceriani, of Kremmling, Colorado. In the series printed in Life, Ceriani was pictured in a hospital emergency room stitching up a two-year-old girl who had been kicked in the head by a horse. “Gene Smith told what life was really like in America,” Coster-Mullen said, when I asked why he admires Smith so much. “You would just sit with a collection of his photographs and wonder how could you have reached that exact point in three-dimensional space to make that image of somewhere so ambiguous and beautiful.” Smith was famous for his fights with editors; everyone who ever worked with Gene Smith described him as a pain in the ass. But his photographs helped redefine the way that Americans see.

“One in particular, I remember, was a black-and-white photograph that he took in Japan,” Coster-Mullen said, as we drove through the darkness. “On the left side of the photo was the sweep of a passenger train with the engine off in the distance, and the cars running out of the frame. The remainder of the photograph was a rural scene with two Japanese farmers talking to each other in the middle of a very white roadway.”

What bothered and fascinated Coster-Mullen was the question of where, exactly, the photographer had been standing in order to capture two utterly separate moments in a single frame. Coster-Mullen said that he used to wonder: “Was he standing on a bridge, or up on a berm or an embankment? Was he photographing just the train, and then he happened to notice the two farmers? Or was he concentrating on the perfect composition of these two people communicating with each other, and the train just happened to go by at that exact moment?” He was in his early twenties at the time, and just starting his career as a photographer. The question of where Gene Smith stood nagged at him.

In the late sixties, Coster-Mullen got to spend a day with Smith, when he visited the University of Wisconsin. “I asked him respectfully about how he had created that particular photograph. He told me, ‘It was simple. I was on the train.’ ”

Coster-Mullen recently had a chance to put his research to the test. In May, he flew to London to examine the Imperial War Museum’s version of Little Boy—which he believed to be the only version of the bomb that had not been gutted by the Department of Energy. During a long correspondence with the museum staff, Coster-Mullen had portrayed himself as a kindly, unaffiliated researcher who wanted to take a few measurements for an independent history of the atom bomb. He was careful not to tell them that the Department of Energy had disembowelled the four Little Boys available for public display in the U.S.

Accompanied by his son, Jason, who works on secure-communications equipment for the Iraqi government, in Baghdad, Coster-Mullen and I turned up at 7:30 A.M. at the museum, which once housed Bedlam, the old lunatic asylum. We waited outside, next to a section of the Berlin Wall, for the museum staff to arrive. (The museum opens to the public at ten.) In Coster-Mullen’s hand was a soft-sided briefcase that contained a folder with black-and-white photographs of bomb parts from his book, along with five photocopies of a cross-section diagram of the bomb (“in case I fuck one up”) and a device that Coster-Mullen called the Gizmo—a modified version of a SeeSnake digital camera, which resembles the flexible metal probe used by plumbers to clear blocked drains. Coster-Mullen had modified the business end of the SeeSnake with a tiny homemade ruler; he had also outfitted it with a foam mount that would let him shoot video with a Canon pocket camera. It was easy to see why his work is addictive. With each new bit of information, Coster-Mullen was edging closer to cracking the code—“like a safecracker listening to those little clicks,” as he put it.

Coster-Mullen kept up an easy patter with the museum curator as we walked past the old rockets, guns, and tanks on display. He casually extracted a pen that a museum staffer had stuffed into the open bolt hole in the nose of the bomb case, in order to block visitors from peeking inside. Then he began quoting facts and figures about the weapon, with the dual aim of authenticating his status as a bomb expert and convincing the museum director that he was a harmless bore. The curator, a stolid Northerner, gamely stayed with Coster-Mullen for an hour. I sidled up to Jason and asked him how he deals with his father’s fire-hose-like intensity. “I try to curb it, but that usually doesn’t work,” he said, with good humor. Coster-Mullen’s wife and children appear to have little interest in the mechanics of the first atom bombs; it is easy to come away with the impression that they see John’s profound engagement with his favorite subject as a waste of time, a pose that on later examination seems like a Midwestern way of showing pride in his accomplishments while guarding against the possibility of a swelled head.

Coster-Mullen ran his tape measure in and out of the bolt hole and across the bomb’s surface, for comparison with the mysterious numbers on the gutted bomb that had been returned to the Smithsonian. “What the hell are these slots? That’s a new wrinkle!” Coster-Mullen said, peering through the SeeSnake into the bomb’s innards. “Hey, Jason, put a piece of white tape right at that point,” he instructed his son. The museum director politely stifled a yawn, then left.

Coster-Mullen relaxed, and started rubbing his hands together and mumbling with fervor. “Aha, look at that, here are the vents,” he said, pointing to four of them. “Now watch me rotate it,” he went on, moving the SeeSnake around, and letting me peer inside the bomb. “So that’s how they did that!” he said more than once. The bomb gives up its secrets reluctantly. What Coster-Mullen had found was not the holy grail of an intact target block that he had been hoping for. But it was a significant discovery nonetheless: the gun barrel had been configured to vent the air displaced by the hollow uranium projectile when it was fired toward its target. “I suspected there were vents, but I didn’t know how they were configured,” he said. “This is totally off the wall! This will shake them.”

The Imperial War Museum’s bomb was now covered in numbered tape, and surrounded by black-and-white photographs, sectional diagrams, and homemade tools. With visitors already trickling in, Coster-Mullen took out a clean cross-section diagram and began to inscribe his new discoveries. “Nobody knows about the position of the vents,” he told me. The four vents beyond the gun tube were “the last big thing I’ve been dying to see. I can’t tell you how many times I’ve disassembled the bomb in my dreams.”

Human beings are proud of what they create—no matter how controversial or deadly. Edward Teller revealed the essential secrets of the hydrogen bomb in a popular encyclopedia article. In 1995, Robert Henderson, the chief engineer for the Manhattan Project, sent back to Coster-Mullen an early version of the “Atom Bombs” manuscript, with comments such as “shit” and “pure shit,” and then went on to explain the exact (and still classified) process by which engineers made the lens molds that cast the explosives that squeezed the core of Fat Man until it achieved critical mass. Reading through President Truman’s diaries, at the Truman Library, in Independence, Missouri, Coster-Mullen found an entry dated July 25, 1945, in which the President marvelled that “13 pounds of the explosive” had made the shot tower at Alamogordo, New Mexico, disappear—a pretty accurate estimate of the amount of nuclear material contained in Fat Man.

Coster-Mullen’s research project can be construed as a danger to mankind or as a useless antiquarian endeavor. Given that a functional atomic weapon can be constructed in myriad ways, why does it matter precisely how the first bomb worked? Yet Coster-Mullen is proud to have helped establish “a public, permanent record of the facts” about the Manhattan Project. As maddening as his personality can be, it is hard to imagine what America would look like without the small and shrinking number of people who engage in painstaking, firsthand research in order to separate the truth from the body of supposed facts, and who keep the rest of us honest. A corollary of this insight, of course, is that much of what we think we know is wrong.

Coster-Mullen is still trying to figure out more about the bomb, and the U.S. government has little interest in helping him. The knowledge that his bomb will always be a partial and imaginative construction—that it can only asymptotically approach the actual bomb dropped on Hiroshima—is, at times, difficult for him to accept. “Nobody is ever going to take me over to Los Alamos and say, ‘O.K., you can play with it,’ ” he said, wistfully. “I want to know. But it will never happen.”

Tuesday, December 23, 2008

story idea:

It is Paris at the turn of the century, and the lovely Raymonde Chandebise, after years of wedded bliss, begins to doubt the fidelity of her husband, Victor Emmanuel, who suddenly has become sexually inactive, or, as Raymonde puts it, “after having been a husband--and what a husband!--suddenly stopped--like that! Between one day and the next.” She does not realize, however, that his behavior is due to a nervous condition, and she begins to suspect that he has a mistress. She confides her doubts to her old friend Lucienne, who suggests a little trick to test him. They write him a letter, in Lucienne’s handwriting, from a fictitious and anonymous admirer, requesting a rendezvous at the Hotel Coq d’Or, an establishment with a dubious reputation, but a large and prominent clientele. It is Raymonde’s intention to confront her husband there, and she and Lucienne leave to do so. When Victor Emmanuel receives the letter, however, he has no interest in such an affair and believes the invitation from the mysterious woman was meant for his best friend Tournel, a handsome bachelor who, unknown to Victor Emmanuel, has his eye on Raymonde. Tournel, hot blooded and easily excited, quickly exits to make the appointment. Meanwhile, Camille, the young nephew of Victor Emmanuel, is overjoyed to have a speech impediment corrected by a new silver palate from Dr. Finache. In celebration, he and the household cook, Antoinette, also hurry to the Hotel Coq d’Or, followed by Etienne, the jealous husband of Antoinette. Dr. Finache, also looking for a bit of fun, decides to go to the hotel in search of his own afternoon rendezvous. To complicate the matter further, Victor Emmanuel, with the intention of sharing his amusement, shows the letter to Lucienne’s husband, Carlos Homenides de Histangua, a passionate and violent Spaniard. Carlos recognizes Lucienne’s handwriting and assumes that she is trying to start an affair with Victor Emmanuel. He runs off to the hotel vowing to kill her in revenge. Victor Emmanuel, hoping to prevent the threatened murder, hurries off in pursuit. Feraillon, the proprietor of the Hotel Coq d’Or, runs his business with a military precision, which, alas, is about to be disrupted. Finache arrives looking for fun. Raymonde arrives looking for Victor Emmanuel. Tournel arrives looking for Raymonde. Camille arrives with Antoinette, followed by Etienne, who is looking for them both. Carlos arrives looking for Lucienne; and Victor Emmanuel, the most innocent of the entire group, arrives looking to stop Carlos. The presence of all the people at the hotel causes further complications and misunderstandings. Carlos, attempting to shoot his wife, violently shoots at anything that moves. Victor Emmanuel sees Raymonde talking with Tournel and believes she is unfaithful. Mistaken for Poche, an alcoholic porter at the hotel, Victor Emmanuel is believed to be insane. And, to escalate the action even further, Camille loses his palate and Tournel tries incessantly to seduce Raymonde. The confusion persists even after all are reunited again at Victor Emmanuel’s house. However, things begin to clear up when Carlo discovers on Raymonde’s desk a rough copy of the letter written by Lucienne, this one in Raymonde’s handwriting. Next the owner of the hotel comes by to return an article left behind by a member of the household and clears up the confusion between his porter and Victor Emmanuel. Finally, Raymonde tells Victor Emmanuel the cause of her suspicions, and he assures her that he will put an end to her doubts--tonight.

Thursday, December 11, 2008

I have a theory that the truth is never told during the nine-to-five hours. - Hunter S. Thompson

Sunday, December 07, 2008

In Defense of Teasing
By DACHER KELTNER

A FEW YEARS AGO my daughters and I were searching for sand crabs on a white-sand beach near Monterey. A group of sixth graders descended on us, clad in the blue trousers and pressed white shirts of their parochial school. Once lost in the sounds of the surf, away from their teacher’s gaze, they called one another by nicknames and mocked the way one laughed, another walked. Noogies and rib pokes, headlocks and bear hugs caught the unsuspecting off guard. Two boys dangled a girl over the waves. Three girls tugged a boy’s sagging pants down. Dog piles broke out. In a surprise attack, one girl nearly dropped a dead crab down a boy’s pants.

As they departed in sex-segregated lines, my daughters stood transfixed. Serafina asked me, “Why did that girl try to put the crab in the boy’s pants?” “Because she likes him,” I responded. This was an explanation Serafina and her older sister, Natalie, only partly understood. What I witnessed might be called “the teasing gap.”

Today teasing has been all but banished from the lives of many children. In recent years, high-profile school shootings and teenage suicides have inspired a wave of “zero tolerance” movements in our schools. Accused teasers are now made to utter their teases in front of the class, under the stern eye of teachers. Children are given detention for sarcastic comments on the playground. Schools are decreed “teasing free.”

And we are phasing out teasing in many other corners of social life as well. Sexual-harassment courses advise work colleagues not to tease or joke. Marriage counselors encourage direct criticism over playful provocation. No-taunting rules have even arisen in the N.B.A. and the N.F.L. to discourage “trash talking.”

The reason teasing is viewed as inherently damaging is that it is too often confused with bullying. But bullying is something different; it’s aggression, pure and simple. Bullies steal, punch, kick, harass and humiliate. Sexual harassers grope, leer and make crude, often threatening passes. They’re pretty ineffectual flirts. By contrast, teasing is a mode of play, no doubt with a sharp edge, in which we provoke to negotiate life’s ambiguities and conflicts. And it is essential to making us fully human.

The centrality of teasing in our social evolution is suggested by just how pervasive teasing is in the animal world. Younger monkeys pull the tails of older monkeys. African hunting dogs jump all over one another, much like pad-slapping, joking football players moments before kickoff. In every corner of the world, human adults play peekaboo games to stir a sulking child, children (as early as age 1) mimic nearby adults and teenagers prod one another to gauge romantic interest. In rejecting teasing, we may be losing something vital and necessary to our identity as the most playful of species.

THE LANGUAGE OF TEASING

A few hundred years ago, teasing was anything but taboo. Jesters and fools enjoyed high status. With their sharp-tongued mockery, outlandish garb and entertaining pranks, they highlighted the absurdities of all that was held sacred, from newborns and newlyweds to kings, queens and leaders of the church. In the tradition of the jester or the fool lies the essence of what a tease is — a playfully provocative mode of commentary.

But attempts to define the nature of that commentary can be difficult, not least because language itself gets in the way. We may use “teasing” to refer to the affectionate banter of middle-school friends, to the offensive passes of impulsive bosses and to the language of heart-palpitating flirtation, to humiliation that scars psyches (harsh teasing about obesity can damage a child’s sense of self for years) and to the repartee that creates a peaceful space between siblings. It is necessary to look at how we use language — especially at how we deliver our spoken words — to get at what teasing actually is.

The answer can be found, paradoxically, in a classic study of politeness by Penelope Brown, a linguistics anthropologist, and Stephen Levinson, a cognitive anthropologist, which differentiates between “on-record” communication” and “off-record” communication. On-record communication is to be taken literally and follows the rules of what the philosopher Paul Grice described as “cooperative, direct speech”: what is said should be truthful, appropriately informative, on topic and clear. When doctors deliver prognoses about terminal illnesses or financial advisers announce the loss of family fortunes, they adhere to these rules like priests following Scripture.

Very often, though, we do not want our words to be taken too literally. When we speak in ways that risk offense, for example when we criticize a friend, we may add intentional vagueness or unnecessary circumlocutions. Say a friend proves to be too confrontational at a dinner party. To encourage greater civility, we might resort to indirect hints (“Say, did you read the latest by the Dalai Lama?”) or metaphor (“I guess sometimes you just need to blow off some steam”). These linguistic acts establish a new channel of communication — off-record communication — signaling that what is being said has an alternate meaning.

Teasing is just such an act of off-record communication: provocative commentary is shrouded in linguistic acts called “off-record markers” that suggest the commentary should not be taken literally. At the same time, teasing isn’t just goofing around. We tease to test bonds, and also to create them. To make it clear when we’re teasing, we use fleeting linguistic acts like alliteration, repetition, rhyming and, above all, exaggeration to signal that we don’t mean precisely what we’re saying. (“Playing the dozens,” a kind of ritualized teasing common in the inner city that is considered a precursor to rap, involves just this sort of rhyming: “Don’t talk about my mother ’cause you’ll make me mad/Don’t forget how many your mother had.”) We also often indicate we are teasing by going off-record with nonverbal gestures: elongated vowels and exaggerated pitch, mock expressions and the iconic wink, well-timed laughs and expressive caricatures. A whiny friend might be teased with a high-pitched imitation or a daughter might mock her obtuse father by mimicking his low-pitched voice. Preteens, sharp-tongued jesters that they are, tease their parents with exaggerated facial expressions of anger, disgust or fear, to satirize their guardians’ outdated moral indignation. Similarly, deadpan deliveries and asymmetrically raised eyebrows (Stephen Colbert), satirical smiles and edgy laughs (Jon Stewart) all signal that we don’t entirely mean what we say.

THE BENEFITS OF TEASING

The language of teasing is intimately linked to the language of social behavior. Because teasing allows us to send messages in indirect, masked ways, it is an essential means of navigating our often-fraught social environments. In teasing, we become actors, taking on playful identities to manage the inevitable conflicts of living in social groups.

Placed into groups, children as young as 2 will soon form a hierarchy — it will be clear even among toddlers who is in charge and who is not. Hierarchies have many benefits — the smooth division of labor and resources, protecting weaker members of the group — but they can be deadly to negotiate. Male fig wasps chop their rivals in half with their large mandibles. Narwhal males loll about with tusk tips embedded in their jaws — vestiges of their status contests. Coyotes engage in heavily coded bouts of play; those who don’t live shorter, ostracized lives.

Given the perils of negotiating rank, many species have evolved dramatized status contests, relying on symbolic displays of physical size and force to peacefully sort out who’s on top. Stags roar. Frogs croak. Chimps throw branches around. Hippos open their jaws as wide as possible to impress competitors.

And humans tease. Teasing can be thought of as a status contest with a twist. As humans evolved the ability to form complex alliances, the power of a single individual came increasingly to depend on the ability to build strong bonds. Power became a matter of social intelligence (the good of the group) rather than of survival of the fittest (raw strength). As a status contest, teasing must walk a fine line, designating status while enhancing social connection.

Take nicknames. One of the most common forms of teasing, they also serve to assign status and enhance or create social bonds. They commonly emerge in marriages, between friends, among co-workers and between the public and its leaders. Artful nicknames involve such off-record markers as exaggeration, alliteration and metaphor, which comment upon the individual’s excesses. Muhammad Ali was the Louisville Lip; Richard Nixon, Tricky Dick; and George W. Bush, Uncurious George. During my fifth-grade trip to the Mendocino tide pools, I became Dacher Kelp Crab to all, a fitting riff on my name, our coastal locale and my sullen temperament. Nicknames are relationship-specific placeholders. They allow us to escape to the world of play, where we mock in affectionate fashion and critique the powerful in safety.

To examine the role nicknames play in helping a community to function, Erin Heerey, now a professor at Bangor University in Wales, and I invited members of a University of Wisconsin fraternityto the laboratory one October, just after what is known as rush week, when pledges angle to gain acceptance at the frat of their choice. We divided the fraternity brothers into groups of four — two high-status “actives,” or established members of the group, and two new low-status “pledges.” We gave each participant two randomly generated initials — “A. D.” or “T. J.” or “H. F.” or “L. I.” — and asked them to generate a nickname and story for each of the other three.

Our participants came up with nicknames like “human fly,” “another drunk,” “turkey jerk,” “little impotent,” “anal duck” and “heffer fetcher.” Each tease turned out to be a 30-second morality play. One low-status pledge was known as Taco John. The story behind the nickname was this: The pledge had gotten drunk on 18 shots of Bacardi during a late-night feast at Taco John’s; he then disappeared and was found passed out on the toilet, with his pants around his ankles, holding his genitals. Among other things, the fraternity members were notifying one another about moral boundaries: don’t get too drunk, and keep your private parts to yourself.

In the content and tones of the teases, we uncovered a familiar status dynamic. High-status “actives” teased the “pledges” in sharper, more provocative fashion, putting them in their place. Each “pledge” went after the other low-status pledges with edgy provocations, no doubt jousting for an edge. But when it came to their new high-status brothers, the pledges used teasing to praise. The most popular “pledges” proved to be the more playful teasers and were themselves teased in more flattering fashion: within a couple of weeks of the group’s formation, 30-second teases were demarcating rank.

For all the put-downs, the teasing among frat brothers and pledges did not appear to do any lasting damage. In studying transcripts of these teasing contests, you might expect to find a thrown punch or two. Instead, the fraternity members became better friends after their playful humiliations. Frame-by-frame analyses of the videos of these status contests revealed how this happened. At the punch line of a particular tease, the four brothers would actually burst into laughter (the target, not surprisingly, more quietly). Thanks to the scientific study of laughter, we know that when friends laugh, they laugh in unison, their fight-flight response (e.g., increased blood pressure) is calmed and mirror neurons fire; shared laughter becomes a collective experience, one of coordinated action, cooperative physiology and the establishing of common ground.

Perhaps surprisingly, the momentary pain of being teased can lead to pleasure. During their 15 seconds of humiliation, the targets of teasing displayed common signs of embarrassment — gaze aversion; a coy, nervous smile; a hand touching the face; a head bowed submissively so as to expose the neck; and blushing. These gestures are ancient signs of appeasement that trigger a reconciliation response in most mammals, as they did in our study. The more targets showed these evanescent signs of embarrassment, the more the teasers liked them.

Still, it’s hard not to remember why teasing has a bad name when it results in what sounds an awful lot like humiliation. In situations where power asymmetries exist, as they do in a frat house, how do we separate a productive tease from a damaging one? In part it’s the nature of the provocation. Productive teasing is rarely physically hurtful and doesn’t expose deep vulnerabilities — like a romantic failure or a physical handicap. Off-record markers — funny facial expressions, exaggeration and repetition — also help mark the tease as playful rather than hostile. And social context means a lot. Where teasing provides an arena to safely explore conflict, it can join people in a common cause. Especially when they’re allowed to tease back.

THE ROMANCE OF TEASING

I still remember that day, as clear as a bell. Off to the side of the seventh-grade four-square game, Lynn, future high-school mascot, valedictorian, and my first love, approached me with hands coyly behind her back. She stopped unusually close, and with a mischievous smile framed by her cascading hair, asked, “Hey Dacher, wanna screw?” As I was in the midst of mumbling an earnest and affirmative reply, she held her hand open in front of me, a screw lying flat on her palm. “Just teasing” I heard amid the screeching laughter of the cabal of finger-pointing girls.

Had I trained my ear to discern the off-record markers of teasing, I would have detected subtle deviations from sincere speech in the artfully elongated vowels of Lynn’s enunciation (“Hey Daaaacher, wanna screeeuuw?”). Had I read my Shakespeare I would have known to counter with my own provocation, and my chances for requited love would have risen. Here is a first expression of love between two of literature’s great lovers, Beatrice and Benedick, from Shakespeare’s “Much Ado About Nothing”:

BEATRICE: For which of my good parts did you first suffer love for me?

BENEDICK: Suffer love! A good epithet! I do suffer love indeed, for I love thee against my will.

BEATRICE: In spite of your heart, I think. Alas, poor heart, if you spite it for my sake, I will spite it for yours, for I will never love that which my friend hates.

BENEDICK: Thou and I are too wise to woo peaceably.

To tease is to woo wisely.

Monica Moore, a psychologist at Webster University, surreptitiously observed teenage girls at a mall and found their packlike meanderings to be punctuated by bursts of teasing. These young Beatrices would veer into the orbits of young Benedicks (and vice versa) to tickle, poke, nudge and squeeze, creating opportunities for physical contact. Touch is registered in specialized receptors under the surface of the skin, our largest sensory organ. Touch calms stress-related physiology; it helps to activate reward regions of the brain and the release of oxytocin, a chemical that promotes feelings of devotion. Snails shoot dartlike appendages into potential sexual partners, to stimulate their paramour’s sexual organs. We tease. And when we do, we look for traces of the telltale signs of desire — the lip pucker, the lip lick, the mutual gaze that lasts beyond the 0.20-second eye contact that defines more formal exchange. Teasing is the stage for the drama of flirtation, where suitors provoke in order to look for the sure signs of enduring commitment.

Long-term partners develop their own teasing idiom that weaves its way into their quotidian rhythms. This teasing typically focuses on sexual proclivities, bodily functions, sleep habits, eating habits and anachronistic fashion choices (my wife, Mollie, calls me “bison” when my hair begins to flip upward in nostalgic 1970s style). Such teasing marks partners’ quirks as deviant but endearing foibles, uniquely appreciated by the partner. Studies find that married couples with a rich vocabulary of teasing nicknames and formulaic insults are happier and more satisfied.

Romantic teasing provides a way of negotiating the conflicts that send many couples to the therapist’s couch. To explore how playful teasing shores up marital bonds, I asked couples to tease each other using the same nickname paradigm used in the fraternity study. The nicknames they invented drew on the metaphors of love documented by the Berkeley linguistics professor George Lakoff: they made references to each other as food objects (“apple dumpling”) or small animals (“adorable duckling”). The more satisfied the couple, the more the teasing was filled with off-record markers. And in a separate study, partners who managed to tease each other during a conflict — for example, over money or an infidelity — felt more connected after the conflict than those couples who resorted to the earnest criticism many therapists recommend. Teasing actually serves as an antidote to toxic criticism that might otherwise dissolve an intimate bond. Teasing is a battle plan for what Shakespeare called “the merry war.”

THE GOOD TEASE

Our rush to banish teasing from social life has its origins in legitimate concerns about bullies on the playground and at work. We must remember, though, that teasing, like so many things, gets better with age. Starting at around 11 or 12, children become much more sophisticated in their ability to hold contradictory propositions about the world — they move from Manichaean either-or, black-or-white reasoning to a more ironic, complex understanding. As a result, as any chagrined parent will tell you, they add irony and sarcasm to their social repertory. And it is at this age that you begin to see a precipitous drop in the reported incidences of bullying. As children learn the subtleties of teasing, their teasing is less often experienced as damaging.

In seeking to protect our children from bullying and aggression, we risk depriving them of a most remarkable form of social exchange. In teasing, we learn to use our voices, bodies and faces, and to read those of others — the raw materials of emotional intelligence and the moral imagination. We learn the wisdom of laughing at ourselves, and not taking the self too seriously. We learn boundaries between danger and safety, right and wrong, friend and foe, male and female, what is serious and what is not. We transform the many conflicts of social living into entertaining dramas. No kidding.

Dacher Keltner is a professor of psychology at the University of California, Berkeley, and an editor of the magazine Greater Good. His latest book, “Born to Be Good: The Science of a Meaningful Life,” from which this essay is adapted, will be published next month by Norton.
Story idea:

Georges Perec wrote a novel called Les Revenentes in which the only vowel used was 'e'...but he misspelled the title. Write stories in which misspellings are flippantly and ingeniously used

Sunday, November 30, 2008

enthusiasm can get in the way of eloquence or can drive it up the mountain. How to work out how to control it?
website idea:

put up controversial texts that you can annotate by scribbling on the screen. People can then see everyone else's annotations (concentrating on the same or different words...)
More notes should be about minutiae and effect rather than themes; a dropped napkin here, a misunderstanding there. How to work out a system for rigorous work like sketching?
research project:

read 'Life's a Pitch'
story idea:

Directions for stag do - 'On the use of American Accents outside the United States'; becomes a wider treatise on not being able to determine what love is and gods are - communion with other people etc.
Painting idea:

jigsaw painted by the customer. Or a jigsaw pad? How would that work?
Franco's Depression Blues

Friday, November 28, 2008

story idea:

monastery project - Dominican sisters live their lives supported by four common values, often referred to as the Four Pillars of Dominican Life, they are: community life, common prayer, study and service. St. Dominic called this fourfold pattern of life the "holy preaching." Henri Matisse was so moved by the care that he received from the Dominican Sisters that he collaborated in the design and interior decoration of their Chapelle du Saint-Marie du Rosaire in Vence, France.
non-fiction idea:

a chronicle of mistakes through history, and of people who held wrong opinions
story idea:

monastery project - atheism is a rejection of all the intellectual people in history who have believed; but monasticism is a rejection of the reproductive spirit in humanity. They are different rejections but rejection in itself is not bad
story idea:

monastery project: criminals influence monks as much as vice versa - cloistering vs segregation (cf convent in France which emptied after 1968 as the monks wanted to live in the city, surrounded by people)§

Thursday, November 27, 2008

story idea:

Haussmanized Paris. A man resents his wife after having had to fight a duel for the sake of her honour
story idea:

man rescues friend from drab hospital, then gets bored of helping him. The friend returns to hospital.
story idea:

someone in love with a couple together: torn between each one and the unit
to sow my seed form the base of the strong spine - William Golding
'Leave happiness to the others, Sammy. It's a five-finger exercise' - William Golding
story idea:

A married couple, film stars of the old school surrounded by gaudy, racked with depression and conscious of their legacies, hire a young writer to dictate their lives for them. Translate this into French perhaps?
painting idea:

Plane portrait like Picasso's of Vollard: little areas become battlegrounds, fighting over meaning rather than just space and keeping the meaning when they get still again
painting idea:

in general, frames for existing paintings; control over the viewer. What to present and what to conceal - this is how things usually work implicitly
sculpture idea:

cast of the inside of a cola bottle
painting idea:

perforations in the brown paper covering of a painting, like an Advent Calendar or Catchphrase. This is what we always/never do.
sculpture idea:

a cast of my thumb as the tip of a walking-stick
painting idea:

tangent holes in canvas in front of tangent painting with hinges and with string over the holes - but where are the holes? eyeholes?
sculpture idea:

lego man lepidoptery
I'm not going to torture you until oyu confess. I'm going to do something rather more humiliating: I'm going to trick you. At some point in the long grey hours to come you will tell me enough of what you know that I'll win, and I'll tell you that I've won, and the rest of what you know, that hard-built edifice will come tumbling down.
painting idea:

two paintbrushes make a moustache
story idea:

The Loiterer: a time-travelling coward who hides from all the harsh moments in history - or, he's immortal
proper cynicism and wide-eyed enthusiasm combined: what a mixture that would be! Or does proper cynicism already contain enthusiasm of this kind?
Public service idea:

get back at 'War on Terror' security wingnuts by shouting "Wolf! Wolf!" at them
Also, what does history mean for a kid, a student, a wife, an OAP? Isn't this the biggest discrimination of all? What is a citizen?
Research project:

read de Tocqueville's travels through America
How much do people change as they get older? This idea vs Whig history; people changed by their events
Can a man who pretends to be mad claim to be sane? - William Golding
that delicate bone in her neck - if I snapped it with my thumb she'd be mine
the light from a star, delayed
story idea:
story about a fast - why would you not want to eat? perhaps the faster is brought a giant clam, 250 years old, and eats it.
story idea:

man has flashbulbs all over his apartment - paf! paf!
story idea:

New Yorker article on rehab by Amanda Fortini:

Just before dawn one morning in June, Howard Samuels, the executive director of the Wonderland Center—a private alcohol-and-drug rehab facility in West Hollywood, California—was standing in the spacious foyer of his Craftsman-style house, greeting his publicist, Cathy Griffin. They were about to head over to Fox Studios, where Samuels, who frequently turns up on the punditry circuit when an actor overdoses, relapses, or checks herself in, was scheduled to discuss the recent drug bust of Tatum O’Neal and the apparent bisexuality of Lindsay Lohan, on “The Morning Show with Mike and Juliet.” “Do you want any coffee?” Samuels asked Griffin, adding, “I’ve had two cups already.” Samuels is a recovering cocaine and heroin addict who in August, at the age of fifty-six, celebrated twenty-four years of sobriety. Caffeine is the only addictive substance permitted in the Samuels household. (His thirty-eight-year-old wife, Gabrielle, has also conquered several addictions—alcohol, crystal meth, and compulsive eating.) Samuels is a tall, solidly built man with close-set green eyes, a prominent nose, and lips that cover his teeth when he talks, occasionally giving the impression of missing dentures. He was wearing a gray linen Armani jacket with cuffed jeans and Converse Chuck Taylor sneakers.

“Did you see the New York Post?” Griffin asked, wrestling a manila folder from her slouchy pink-leather purse. She began to brief Samuels on the celebrity stumbles that he’d be discussing. The day before, Tatum O’Neal had been caught attempting to buy crack on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. “Originally, Tatum’s story was that she was researching a role,” Griffin explained. “Now she’s saying her dog’s death prompted the drug buy.”

Griffin, who spent thirty years covering celebrities as a journalist for, among other outlets, “Hard Copy” and “A Current Affair,” is also Liz Smith’s “West Coast legwoman”—she provides items about the Hollywood set. When she was hired by Wonderland, the Daily News reported on the possible conflict of interest. Samuels told the paper, “We have a confidential facility. Anybody that leaks anything about anyone is automatically fired.”

“Lindsay has been photographed kissing Samantha Ronson,” Griffin continued, tapping a glossy nail on the kitchen counter. “Now she’s supposedly selling an exclusive story to a magazine for one million dollars.”

“That’s the addiction to fame,” Samuels said, looking pleased to have drawn the connection. “I mean, I have nothing against being with a woman, but it’s the selling of the magazine cover. It’s just another thing to fill the void.”

Lindsay Lohan, who spent a month at Wonderland beginning in January of last year, is perhaps the center’s most well-known patient. (Mike Tyson arrived shortly after Lohan and stayed for close to a year.) Lohan was later dismissive of her time there, saying that the staff had never treated anyone as “hard-core” as she was. Three months after leaving Wonderland, she was arrested for driving under the influence. She then entered Promises, the Malibu-based rehab center. When I asked Griffin whether it was appropriate for Samuels to comment publicly on a former patient, she replied, “He was able to go on TV and not ever cross the line when Lindsay checked into Promises. There was a total media blitz for two weeks, and you don’t get a lot of opportunities like that. He wasn’t her therapist, anyway; he’s the executive director.”

Samuels also maintains a private therapy practice, focussed mainly on issues of addiction, in the guest cottage behind his house. Griffin is a former patient. Samuels counselled her, in person and by phone, through her early days of recidivism. (One of her relapses occurred during a trip to Hawaii: “I said, ‘Howard, I’m drinking a mai tai, what’s the point?’ ”) Her faith in his talents is absolute. “Howard can help addiction to be understood by the public. He can simplify it and destigmatize it. The celebrities have brought it to the forefront—he’s just the right person in the right place at the right time.” Samuels puts it much the same way. “You know, celebrities mirror what is happening in the rest of the country,” he said, referring to the estimated 24.9 million Americans addicted to alcohol or drugs. “It’s so important to get that message out. . . . That’s the struggle, O.K.? Is to try to educate people who think the only reason I’m going to Fox today is Tatum O’Neal!”

At the studio, having received a dusting of powder on his tanned face (“I saw you on VH1, talking about Mötley Crüe,” the makeup artist told him), Samuels sat in a corona of bright stage light. He crossed and uncrossed his legs, waiting for a producer to give him the signal to speak. At one point, Griffin scurried up and snatched the tortoiseshell glasses from the lapel pocket of his jacket. A look of intense concentration came over his face as the first question was put to him through the headphones. “Well, absolutely there’s hope for these two,” he began. “In Hollywood, the greatest curse that someone can have is to be young, beautiful, wealthy, and famous. Because there’s only one place to go, and that’s down.”

Samuels has been treating a substantial segment of drug-addicted Hollywood for fifteen years. I accompanied him to several Alcoholics Anonymous meetings—he has been attending A.A. for eighteen years—and at every one he was greeted by people whom he had treated, or who were hoping to be treated by him. “Half of this town is in meetings,” he told me, “and we’re saving seats for the other half.” One Sunday night, after an A.A. meeting in Beverly Hills that had a particularly flirtatious atmosphere—dating within the program, though frowned upon, is known as “thirteenth-stepping”—Samuels and I were driving down Third Street when he suddenly leaned over me to point out a small red house. “Now, I’ve got to tell you, I did an intervention on a guy here,” Samuels said. He named a film-and-TV actor from the nineteen-seventies. “Remember him? He lived there with his mother. Unfortunately, you can’t use his name.” During another car ride, he drew my attention to the El Royale apartment building on Rossmore, where he had staged an intervention on a more current leading man. “I’ve pretty much worked with everybody in Hollywood,” Samuels said, listing several famous names as he guided his black Audi sedan through a turn. “I could go on forever, you know what I mean?” Above the fireplace in Samuels’s living room hangs a photograph of his beachfront wedding party: Christian Slater, at the back of the crowd, is making a victory sign with his arms in the air.

Samuels was, in a sense, a celebrity addict himself. His father, Howard J. Samuels, was a wealthy businessman who co-founded, along with his brother Richard, the Kordite Corporation, which manufactured Baggies and other plastic products; he also served as Under-Secretary of Commerce in the Johnson Administration. For the younger Samuels, using drugs was a way to rebel: “There was a huge amount of pressure to succeed, and I just said, ‘Fuck you.’ ” In January of 1970, while his father was campaigning for the Democratic nomination for governor of New York, the Times reported that the seventeen-year-old Samuels had been arrested in Greenwich Village two months earlier; he was charged “with possession of a hashish pipe and three amphetamines.” A year later, Samuels was apprehended at Kennedy Airport, for possession of cocaine and heroin. The scandal made the front page of the Daily News.

Samuels spent an unsuccessful year in rehab at a facility called Encounter (now closed), in lower Manhattan. Over the next ten years, his drug abuse intensified. He stole from his mother and his girlfriend, and from wallets left in coatrooms at Park Avenue parties. He overdosed on cocaine. One morning, lacking a syringe, he slit open his shoulder with a razor blade in order to rub cocaine directly into the wound. His family staged a series of interventions, and in 1984 Samuels agreed to enter rehab again, this time at Phoenix House, in Santa Ana, California.

The treatment at Phoenix House is based on what’s known as the “therapeutic community” model—in the eighties, this meant that residents, as members of a community that lived and performed chores together, were expected to challenge, badger, and often verbally or physically humiliate one another. (The approach, sometimes called “attack therapy,” was intended to wear down a patient’s defenses, but has mostly fallen out of favor. Phoenix House now employs a less punitive version of the model.) Samuels says he shared a room with twenty-five other men, who showered en masse. He was hollered at, made to wear dunce signs, and forced to scrub toilet bowls with a toothbrush. During his stay, his father suffered a fatal heart attack, and Samuels, released to attend his funeral, experienced a “psychic shift”: “I realized I did not want to die a drug addict. I did not want to be buried with the epitaph ‘He Had Potential.’ ” Samuels completed the eighteen-month program, and then went back to school, eventually receiving a master’s degree in psychology from Antioch University and a Psy.D. in clinical psychology from Ryokan College, in Los Angeles—an accomplishment he’s particularly proud of, because he suffers from dyslexia.

In 1994, he went to work at Promises, in West Los Angeles, first as a counsellor and later as the program director. In 1997, Samuels was part of a team that helped the founder, Richard Rogg, set up the center’s luxurious Malibu campus. Many of Hollywood’s high-profile patients of the past decade have been treated at Promises Malibu—Ozzy Osbourne, Robert Downey, Jr., Andy Dick, Ben Affleck, Charlie Sheen, Matthew Perry, and Britney Spears among them—and it was there that Samuels began to build the client base for his private practice and to form his own ideas about rehab. “At Promises, you know, we built a beautiful place under the philosophy of ‘Let’s seduce them into treatment; why punish them by having them go to a dump?’ ”

That philosophy represented a departure from traditional methods of rehab, even for celebrities. Twenty-five years ago, when Elizabeth Taylor checked herself into the Betty Ford Center, seeking treatment for an addiction to Percodan and alcohol, she shared an austerely furnished room with a roommate. She took her meals in the cafeteria, waited to use the communal phone, and performed the “therapeutic duties” required of all patients (bed-making, coffee-making, light sweeping). “We really believe that good treatment is the same for everyone,” John Schwarzlose, the C.E.O. and founding director of the Betty Ford Center, said of the program’s egalitarian ethos, which has remained consistent to this day.

The program at the Betty Ford Center has its origins in the Minnesota Model, a therapeutic approach rooted in A.A.’s Twelve Steps and developed in the nineteen-fifties at Willmar State Hospital, a psychiatric institution in Willmar, Minnesota, by a psychologist named Dan Anderson. At the time, alcoholism was still widely considered a failure of will; alcoholics were institutionalized, incarcerated, or left to sink into indigence. Anderson believed that addiction to alcohol (and other drugs) was a “multifaceted illness” (“physical, psychological, social, and spiritual”), and he sought to develop a more humane treatment. His method required a team of professionals—psychologists, psychiatrists, physicians, spiritual counsellors, nutritionists—and a minimum inpatient stay of twenty-two to twenty-eight days. In 1961, Anderson went to work at Hazelden, a rehab clinic in Center City, Minnesota, and, over the next twenty years, his model became standard at treatment centers across the country.

By the nineteen-eighties, insurance companies intent on containing costs began to suggest that the Minnesota Model was excessive. They maintained that there was little evidence that residential treatment was any more effective than a less expensive outpatient version. (Many plans now cover only outpatient treatment, or limit in-patient stays to between three and seven days.) According to the Treatment Research Institute, nearly half of all residential treatment centers in this country have closed since the early eighties. In the late nineties, luxury rehab centers, catering to self-paying patients, began to proliferate. Today, with a twenty-one-mile coastline and a population of roughly thirteen thousand, Malibu alone has twenty-nine licensed rehab establishments. Many are operated out of palatial estates; most are for-profit, do not take insurance, and expect their fee, sometimes as high as sixty-eight thousand dollars a month, to be paid up front. (Hazelden and Betty Ford, both nonprofit clinics, charge twenty-six thousand dollars and twenty-four thousand dollars for twenty-eight and thirty days, respectively, and will accept insurance.)

Samuels and his wife founded the Wonderland Center with Bernadine Fried, the clinical director, and her husband, Alex Shohet, in early 2006. Wonderland charges forty-eight thousand dollars a month for a shared room and fifty-eight thousand dollars for a single room, and does not take insurance. The usual length of treatment is thirty days, although, unlike most rehab clinics, Wonderland will allow shorter stays, sometimes of a week or two. On occasion, the center offers scholarships. I witnessed Samuels arrange for a scholarship for a woman I’ll call Greta, a singer from an early-nineties band, after he heard her speak about her fifteen-year struggle with heroin addiction at an A.A. meeting. (“I’ll do your shit work—I’m just having a hard time and really need some help,” she told him.)

Like many rehab facilities, Wonderland bases its treatment on the principles of Alcoholics Anonymous. But Samuels and Fried assert that their establishment offers a uniquely “individualized” program. Residents are permitted to use cell phones and computers, for example, and many continue to conduct business during their stay. They are taken on shopping trips, and are allowed to bring their dogs. Actors are sometimes released to work on films; musicians can travel for tours.

Many treatment professionals argue that granting this much agency to addicts is no way to treat a condition that Bill Wilson, the co-founder of A.A., described as “self-will run riot.” “Addicts need frustration; they need limits; they need structure. They need to learn how to tolerate those things,” Dr. Drew Pinsky, the service director of the well-regarded rehab program at Las Encinas Hospital, in Pasadena, said. “The more you cater to an addict’s demands, the more you support their disease. Our approach at Las Encinas is ‘Get with the program or get out.’ ” John MacDougall, the director of spiritual guidance at Hazelden, told me, “No one leaves here—except for a funeral, if a close relative dies. We ask you to commit for twenty-eight days. Actually, I can only remember one exception in the fourteen years I’ve been here, and he had to present a treaty at the United Nations.”

The Wonderland Center occupies a seven-million-dollar property on Mulholland Drive, in Laurel Canyon. Behind a massive iron gate, three cream-colored houses with terra-cotta roofs are set back from the road by a long, winding path that staff members navigate with golf carts. The bedrooms are simple, with crisp white duvet covers and wooden armoires. (There are only six single rooms, because clients often have, in the parlance of Wonderland, “a tendency to isolate.”) There are two small kidney-bean-shaped pools, and two sprawling patios. Here, between sessions, clients lounge on wrought-iron furniture and talk and text-message and smoke, flicking their ashes into lidded ashtrays. One has the overwhelming sense of attending a weekend party at a cozy but understated house.

Late in the afternoon on the last Friday in June, Wonderland’s eight in-residence patients—Wonderland has fourteen beds, but the summer months are slow—had completed their “Bridging Mind and Body” group session, in which they had written letters to themselves (“Remind yourself what skills and abilities you have, what you are good at . . .”) and enjoyed a lunch of grilled lobster tails with garlic butter. Every morning, the residents, whom the staff refer to as “clients,” are awakened between seven-thirty and eight. They meditate, eat breakfast, and exercise, either performing yoga poses with an instructor who comes to Wonderland, or working out at Crunch on Sunset Boulevard, under the supervision of a Wonderland employee. During the day, they attend two or three group sessions—“Anger Management,” “Sex and Love Addiction,” “Music Therapy”—and in the evenings they are driven to an off-site A.A. meeting. Samuels declines to push A.A. on resistant patients, though he says that most will relapse “until they finally surrender to the reality of doing it through A.A.”

Around three o’clock, the clients, along with several day patients, began taking seats in the large living room for the last group session of the week, “The Beast,” which is run by Samuels. “The Beast,” Samuels told me later, “is the drug, the alcohol, the unavailable man, the depression. It is that self-destructive energy that destroys us, which we can’t stop.”

Samuels lifted a glass of iced tea—“Cheers, everybody!”—and called the session to order. Dressed in a pink button-down shirt, the cuffs undone and the collar open to reveal a patch of graying chest hair, he began to pace back and forth. “The great news is that it’s Friday, right? So what does that mean? That means that tonight you’re still in rehab. That means there’s no drinking tonight, no crack pipe tonight, no little line of blow, no pills, no weed.”

The clients, looking drained at the end of a long week of self-scrutiny, laughed ruefully. Samuels went on, “But you’re still going to be dealing with the Beast, O.K.? Because the Beast is going to tell you that it’s Friday night, and it’s time to get loaded! I gotta say, normies have that voice, too.” “Normies,” or non-addicts, are frequently invoked by the residents of Wonderland as an impossible ideal; normies are thought not to suffer from pain or depression or obsessions. Samuels is fond of reminding people that he is not a normie—“Howard Samuels: dope fiend, convicted felon,” he routinely announces.

“Who has a Beast?” Samuels asked, scanning the room.

Max, a college professor of finance who was at Wonderland to kick a five-year pill-and-cough-syrup habit, spoke up from the far end of the sofa. (All the clients’ names have been changed to protect their privacy.) “You know, I have a pretty empty kitchen,” he said, “and when parents and friends ask me why I say, ‘Because if I had anything in there that I liked, I’d eat the whole thing.’ I can’t go buy a package of Oreos, because I’ll eat it in one sitting. That’s the Beast, too. I can’t just take one Oreo. I’ll go back and I’ll go back and I’ll go back. It’s not a drug but it’s . . . out of control.”

“Well, you know, Max, you’re obsessive-compulsive, and the obsessive-compulsiveness isn’t just centered around drugs and alcohol,” Samuels said. “Once you get sober, you’re still going to be obsessive-compulsive. But I’d much rather have you deal with not being able to stop eating Oreos than not being able to stop—what’s your drug of choice?”

“Opiates.”

“Opiates, O.K. Let’s move out the opiates—I’m happy with the Oreos.” But Max did not look happy. He was clearly disturbed by the Oreo obsession. Samuels went on, “Now, once you get to be about two hundred or three hundred pounds, we’ll have to deal with that. We’ll send you to an Oreo twelve-step meeting, all right?” Max mustered a chuckle.

Samuels uses an avuncular, teasing sense of humor to draw people out. Several members of the Los Angeles recovery community told me that they felt he did not maintain sufficient professional boundaries—that it was inappropriate, for instance, for him to frequent the same A.A. meetings that his patients attend. One woman recalled seeing him whiz down the street in her neighborhood: “He’s got a patient in the passenger seat, and is test-driving the patient’s new hundred-thousand-dollar Mercedes.” But I was told by an entertainment executive who is being treated by Samuels for his cocaine habit, “He cuts through the bullshit; he’s not playing footsie.”

Samuels took a gulp of tea and continued pacing. “Who else?” he asked.

Nicole, a young woman with dark, sad eyes and strawberry-blond hair pulled into a loose ponytail, spoke next. “My Beast says that . . . it wouldn’t really be a big deal if I had a drink today,” she said, in a voice so soft the others in the room had to lean forward to hear her.

“Let me ask your Beast some questions,” Samuels said. His tone was gentle, not jesting.

“What was your drug of choice?”

“Alcohol.”

“How often did you drink?”

“Every day.”

“What was your drink of choice?”

“Anything.”

“How much would you drink during the day?”

“I’d have two bottles.”

“Two bottles of what?”

“Vodka or rum.”

“And how long did you do that for?”

“Four years.”

“And how old are you?”

“Twenty-one.”

“So when did you start drinking?”

“When I was seventeen.”

“When you were seventeen. And you were able to not go into treatment until you were twenty-one, huh?” He lowered his voice further.

“Yes.”

“Wow. Do you think that that’s normal?”

“No, but I think that . . . I think I can control it now. That’s what my Beast says.” As basic as Samuels’s premise is, the metaphor seems to give the patients a way of talking about their addiction.

“And I want to ask your Beast, have you ever been able to control it?”

“Sometimes. . . .”

“Right, but how many times?”

“Not that many.”

“Now, did some horrible things happen to you when you were drinking?”

“Yeah. . . .”

“So why would you want to drink? I mean, think about it, if horrible things happened to you because of alcohol . . . and you got locked up in treatment, ruined relationships, ruined years of your life, then why would you want to risk all of that for a liquid?”

“I just miss it.” Nicole looked down at her lap. Three of the women in the room began to weep softly. The only other noise came from the adjacent kitchen, where the chef, Chris Wilson (“Tom Hanks’s brother-in-law,” Cathy Griffin informed me), was shredding carrots for the evening’s salad.

Later that afternoon, Marvin, an eighty-year-old cocaine addict who had been at Wonderland for three weeks, agreed to show me his room. A white cardboard bakery box containing a dozen cupcakes with pale frosting sat on his desk (“so I can give them only to who I want to have them”). After his wife died, several years ago, Marvin took up with a much younger woman who turned him on to cocaine. The Wonderland staff had set him up with a team of doctors at Cedars-Sinai, who examined his heart, which can be strained by cocaine use. (I later observed one of the Wonderland staff members helping Marvin navigate Matchmaker.com, in the hope of finding him a non-enabling girlfriend online.) I asked Marvin whether he felt he had recovered. “I’m already a recovering optimist,” he joked, deflecting the question. “My problem was depression—the drug was incidental. I don’t do the twelve-step program. I don’t go to the A.A. meetings. I don’t need it. Yeah, and I needed a vacation anyway.”

At dusk, as dinner wound down (Chilean sea bass with plum syrup, mini lamb-meat loaves with mint), a few of the clients lingered on the patio. A ghost of a girl, with troughs the color of bruises beneath her eyes and track marks up and down her arms, could be heard on her cell phone, crying. Earlier that afternoon, she had staggered over to me, a long silk scarf tied around her neck, and said that she was horribly “dope sick” and had spent the previous night at the hospital. This was her second visit to Wonderland. Nearby, a lanky young woman with dyed-blond hair was talking to a guitarist from an eighties pop band. “I’m on Suboxone now,” she told him. (Suboxone is commonly used instead of methadone during heroin withdrawal.) “I’m coming off it. I’ve been through it before, but I’m scared.”

Wonderland’s co-founder Bernadine Fried met Samuels while lecturing on addiction at Antioch. Both worked for a time at Promises before leaving to start their own practices. “We developed these private practices and were really, you know, wildly successful. But we both missed working in a treatment environment,” Fried said. Fried is forty-six, and has been sober for twenty years. Like Samuels, she is a former heroin addict; her husband, Alex Shohet, was once her dealer. Shohet suffered a relapse in 2000, but has now been sober for four years.

There has been tension among Wonderland’s founders from the time the center first opened its doors. Samuels and Shohet clashed over the question of who should act as C.E.O., as well as over a “sober living” facility that Samuels was running out of one of his four homes. Shohet and Fried felt it was a violation of their non-compete agreement. (Samuels’s neighbors were also upset. “He never brought it to the attention of anyone,” one of them told me. “There were all these people going in and out of the house, and up all night, and this is a very residential neighborhood.”) By December of last year, Samuels, Shohet, and Fried had begun attending “business therapy” together once a week. When that didn’t help, they hired Andrew Spanswick, a social worker with a background in hospital management, to act as C.E.O. He was unable to resolve the dispute, and the partners agreed that each side—Shohet and Fried on one; Samuels and Spanswick on the other—would begin raising money to buy the other out.

On a Thursday morning in late June, I met Bernadine Fried, who has dark wavy hair and a gentle manner, at a ranch in Malibu, where she led a weekly session for Wonderland patients known as “equine-assisted psychotherapy” (an offering at many high-end treatment centers). During one of her sessions, clients would spend time with the ranch’s five horses—grooming or feeding them, sometimes even painting on the horses’ sides with watercolors. “I’ll say, ‘Paint something from your past, present, or future. Do half the horse from your past, half the horse from your future,’ ” Fried explained. (For the more apprehensive patients, there was a miniature donkey named Waffles.) The therapy is said to have originated in a treatment developed in Denmark in the nineteen-fifties; horseback riding, or hippotherapy, was believed to alleviate the physical effects of diseases like cerebral palsy and polio. Today, the idea seems to be that simply being around a horse can confer psychological benefits, and that horses can reveal a patient’s unexpressed emotional states—reacting to feelings of fear or anxiety or aggression by whinnying, say, or by stamping their hooves. “Horses are able to read energy,” Fried told me, as we brushed a palomino gelding named Chex. “They are incredible therapists. I let them show me what’s going on with a person.”

Fried claimed that the method was especially useful with clients who were hardest to reach by traditional means: those with a history of trauma, or who had repeatedly failed at recovery. These patients are the reason that she founded Wonderland. “I would have, like, the relapsing heroin addict that’s been in rehab twelve times, and I’d think, What am I going to do with you? I have nowhere to send you,” she said. Wonderland’s patients also tend to be wealthy, and therefore to have considerable resources for masking their addictions. “Most people are like, ‘I totalled my car, I better go into rehab,’ ” Fried said. “These people are like, ‘I totalled it, I’ll get a new one, or I’ll drive the Porsche today.’ ”

Several of the patients I spoke with complained that Wonderland affords unfair privileges to its wealthiest or most famous residents. Mike, a commercial real-estate broker and recovering cocaine addict who was an outpatient at Wonderland in January, 2007, described the hoopla surrounding a celebrity client—paparazzi circling the property, spectators at Wonderland’s regular Thursday-night A.A. meeting. “To have a little entourage with you in rehab is . . . it was crazy,” he said. “The driver sat outside. The publicist hung out with the driver or the personal assistant. People were in and out and coming and going. It was chaos.”

During Lindsay Lohan’s thirty-day sojourn at Wonderland, her many comings and goings perplexed the tabloid media. There she was in the lobby of her apartment building, on the set of her film “I Know Who Killed Me,” taking her SL500 to Beverly Hills Mercedes to be serviced. “Does the treatment involve the attending of Mad Tea Parties and the chasing of white rabbits? Maybe for Lindsay, but not for anyone else in residence,” one blogger wrote. “I even had that conversation with Howard,” Mike told me. “I said, ‘Well, I think some people are a little bothered that their program and their stay at Wonderland is being negatively impacted by this craziness and why rules don’t apply to her that apply to us. I mean, there is some resentment building up.’ And he said, ‘You know what, Mike, I hear you, but we have to cater our program and our treatment center to each individual to make it work for them. Because if we didn’t do that for this individual, she would have been gone on Day One.’ ”

The following Monday, after an art-therapy class in which clients painted raw wooden birdhouses and trimmed them with pompoms and pipe cleaners, the objective being to “create a home” for themselves (Max: “What’s the sobriety angle on this?”), the group gathered to celebrate the third “sober birthday” of Susan, the E.M.T.-certified health-services coördinator responsible for distributing client “meds,” with a round of singing and a Key-lime pie decorated with candles.

The previous day, Greta, the nineties-era singer, had been allowed to leave the center to perform the national anthem at a sporting event. (For any off-site business, Wonderland supplies residents with “sober companions”—Wonderland employees who are usually introduced as a friend or a cousin from out of town.) It had been a month since the A.A. meeting at which Samuels first met Greta. Her hair, formerly unkempt and mousy, was now layered into a modern mullet and dyed a variegated blond and brown. Her nails were painted in a punk-rock French manicure: blue with black tips. (The staff at Wonderland had arranged for her to have her hair colored, and had also driven her to get her guitars out of the pawnshop.)

“How was it yesterday, singing sober?” someone from across the table asked.

“Ah, dude, it was really amazing,” Greta said. “It was the first time ever. Once, I had ninety days and I booked at the Knitting Factory on a Wednesday, which is, like, when no one is there, and I showed up and there was, like, thirty people there to see me. I was like, ‘Who are all these fucking people?’ . . . I thought, Oh. My. God. So I went and did a shot of vodka.” The discussion came to a halt when Susan materialized at Greta’s side.

“You need to come take your meds,” she told Greta. Though its residential-rehab license stipulates that Wonderland’s staff cannot administer medication, they watch to make sure the patient swallows it. Nearly all of the Wonderland clients are on some type of medication, whether for detoxification (such as Suboxone, for opiate withdrawal) or to treat an underlying psychiatric disorder (Zoloft for depression, Klonopin for anxiety).

“I can’t take them without having something to eat,” Greta replied.

“You didn’t come at breakfast.”

“I know, but I was in the shower, and then I was late for Group.”

“You were late yesterday. After you finish eating, I need you to come take them.” Susan was calm but firm.

“This attitude isn’t making me want to do it,” Greta said.

“But it’s also, like, the ninth time, since you got here, that I’ve had to remind you. . . .”

“O.K., but the attitude is not helping me.”

“Well, it’s getting a little bit old. I’ll do the best I can to help you, but it’s getting to the point where it’s your place to remember.” Susan walked away, the keys to the medication storage room jingling from her belt.

“You all right?” a lunch companion asked Greta.

“It’s all right. She’s right,” Greta conceded. “It’s just the attitude; it’s always like that.”

In August, Wonderland celebrated its second anniversary. The center has treated approximately two hundred and forty clients and employs an “alumni coördinator” who keeps up with them: sending cards for sober birthdays, tracking changes in address. He does not, however, track Wonderland’s success rate. This may be because residential treatment programs have abysmally low rates of success—from about ten per cent to about thirty per cent, depending on where you get your statistics. Or it may be because Wonderland is still so new that any statistics would be meaningless. Dr. Steven Jacobs, an internist and addiction specialist who has served as a medical consultant to Wonderland, told me, “Twenty-five years ago, when I first started, the notion was that if you stayed abstinent for two years, you would have a ninety per cent chance of staying clean and sober. Now the disease is thought to be more pernicious. It isn’t until a person has had about five years that we think it’s really likely he’ll have a lifetime success of staying sober, from a scientific point of view.”

Even established clinics don’t offer much in the way of useful statistics. “Do we know what our relapse rate is? No,” Betty Ford’s John Schwarzlose said. “We know that our physicians and dentists do well, at about an eighty per cent success rate”—these doctors, who are monitored for five years after completing treatment, must pass random urinalysis tests or lose their license, so the incentive to stay sober is high—“but to give you a percentage would just be pulling it out of the air.” Hazelden, which claims a success rate of between fifty-three and fifty-six per cent, tracks the abstinence of its patients for only one year.

On the Saturday morning after the Fourth of July, I met Samuels in the small guesthouse where he sees his private clients. His gray hair had recently been cropped close, and he was doing the “Master Cleanse,” which meant he had consumed nothing but lemon juice, cayenne pepper, maple syrup, and water for five days. “I like doing it, because I’m sort of an extremist, you know? I think it builds your sense that you can do anything you set your mind to,” he said. Samuels’s wife, Gabrielle, could be glimpsed through the window in a maroon bikini with blue trim, sunning herself alongside the extra-wide lap pool in the back yard. “Success rates are bullshit,” Samuels told me. “The first time somebody goes to treatment, yes, the success rate is low . . . but I failed after my first treatment, O.K.? So does that mean I’m a failure?” The ringing of his office phone interrupted him. It was one of Samuels’s regular clients, an actor and former cocaine addict in his late thirties who, while on location, had cheated on his wife with his twenty-three-year-old co-star. Samuels counselled him for several minutes; I petted Hank and June, the collie-Lab-German-shepherd mixes who had left their olfactory imprint on the office. “I think without question you’re a good person,” Samuels was saying, stressing his syllables with care, “but you have character defects, and you have self-destructive aspects, that, you know, you’re not in control of yet. . . .”

When he hung up, I returned to the question of recovery. “It really is about the willingness of the client,” he said. “That’s going to be the key to long-term success. I’m not a believer that treatment centers save people’s lives. I think if you’ve got a really good treatment center you can go a long way toward helping a person, but at the end of the day it’s not about the treatment center. It’s about the individual, and about whether or not they’re at that place to change.”

The Wonderland Center recently underwent an organizational overhaul—several employees were fired, including Bernadine Fried. Samuels and Spanswick were able to terminate her because together they formed two-thirds of the board. (Alex Shohet was let go last April; Shohet and Fried, who still own a 49.5 per cent share of the company, are planning to seek an injunction to reverse the takeover of Wonderland by Samuels and Spanswick.) “I wanted a new start,” Samuels said simply, referring to the changes. Samuels and Spanswick now have ambitious plans for Wonderland’s expansion, the first step of which is to open an outpost in New York City. They imagine that New York clients will appreciate a program that allows them to receive treatment while continuing to work. From there, the partners plan to move on to additional cities, by acquiring existing treatment centers and remaking them according to the Wonderland model. Samuels considers rehab a recession-proof business. “We’re looking to expand the sober community,” Samuels said. “To get the message out that it’s cool to be sober, that your life isn’t going to be a drag, that you can kick ass and have an amazing life—you can take over the world.” ♦